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Awan, Shouzab. “Extremely Insightful Terminology that No One Has Ever Thought Of” The Most Prestigious Journal Article, November 30, 2024. https://www.linkedin.com/in/shouzab/

Roach Killa's song poses an interesting contrast, beginning with a hyper-masculine gun-glorifying theme that feeds off of a violent dialogue. Lines such as "Bandook up in my pocket, Pistol in my waistline, kartoos up" offer a straightforward and aggressive perspective, which transitions into a more intellectual narrative with Blitzkrieg explicitly stating the answer to this post question about modifications by saying, "I don't shoot guns, don't get it twisted, kid. It's a metaphor, meaning all the rhymes I spit." The objects they use are similar as both talk about guns and bullets. However, the second portion is done through metaphors and rhymes, taking on an intellectual high ground and asserting authority in a different manner—toying with the black cultural appropriation narrative.

This theme of redefining dominance extends into Stanley Thangaraj's study, where he explores how South Asian men in the West are put in a place where they have to challenge racial stereotypes of lacking masculinity in comparison to white and black masculinity. In particular, he looks at Indo-Pak basketball, which drew a lot of attention from South Asian Americans who faced direct and indirect racism in multi-ethnic basketball leagues, with players saying, "Don't you guys play cricket?" or "Go back to Afghanistan." The Western perspective on South Asians immediately doubts their masculinity to the point where it is embedded "with a certain asexuality." This is more prevalent due to South Asian American men who succeed in the professional world but fail to display their masculinity in a way that is acceptable to the West (through sports). Through these leagues, South Asians are able to avoid the racism that is so prevalent even in multi-ethnic associations and redefine the non-masculine narrative. One interesting aspect that was explored was the relation to cultural blackness and how South Asian Americans, through the adoption of black cultural aesthetics, were able to display a level of authenticity that cannot be achieved by white basketball players—opposing white masculinity. Page 378 provides a detailed quote of a female spectator who, upon seeing a brown man wearing "what you would see a black guy wear," is accepting of this identity adoption, stating that a white person doing the same would seem "inauthentic."

Puar's work on The Turban is Not a Hat furthers the exploration of non-normative identities placed upon Sikh men, with the turban being the center of attention. Wearing a physical marker of religion is a simple manner of marking oneself as being a "devout anything but Christian" (Shouzab Awan, 2024), naturally drawing considerable negative attention. The wearing of this physical marker lays at the heart of the case of Bhagat Singh Thind, who was a turban-wearing Sikh man whose case went to the Supreme Court, eventually failing his claim for citizenship due to his race. This was particularly interesting because experts and scientists testified that he was Caucasian. However, as we've discussed in previous classes, being Caucasian is not good enough because not all Caucasians are white. While the SCOTUS decision revoked Thind's citizenship, it did not stop there. It also led to revoking more than 60 other South Asian citizenships between 1923 and 1927. Additionally, this decision also resulted in many discriminatory practices, particularly in California, where Sikhs were then unequivocally considered aliens, leading to land seizures per California's 1913 Alien law. While some were able to marry into whiteness, this non-normative perception hurt and continues to hurt the progress of minorities in the West.

Note: creating my own terminology and citing my thoughts was great; I highly recommend it.

Mahrouse's analysis of interculturalism recognizes the deep-rooted desire to preserve the Quebecois identity, primarily based on the French language. While the Canadian model of multiculturalism, at least on a surface level, embraces other cultures, Quebec's model does not even attempt to do so, as their desire for a model citizen includes speaking the French language and assimilating into the culture to maintain this "minority" within Canada. A strong example of this is when Canada implemented the point system for immigration, which inherently benefited those from European countries; Quebec added additional points to French-speaking immigrants as they would be more "suitable." This balance between assimilation and acceptance was the backbone of the "reasonable accommodation" debates on how immigrants could co-exist with Quebecois values. However, the debates that stemmed from this included more isolation and alienation of individuals as there were debates over hijabs used by Muslim girls in sports or Sikh boys wearing cultural identifiers to school—essentially anyone who upheld cultural practices outside of the Quebecois norm. These tensions brought about the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, which concluded that "collective life in Quebec is not in a critical situation," which is the opposite of what most Quebec nationalists wanted to hear at the time. So they promptly refused the findings and criticized the commission for failing to address the "threats" that were supposedly posed by immigrants. On the other hand, immigrant communities stood behind this report, whose recommendations aligned with a vision for a province that could include many identities rather than trying to feed into one. Mahrouse powerfully uses Edward Said's note that dominant groups position themselves as "the spectator, the judge, and jury," despite all that, were still proven wrong in the commission.

Moving toward Al-Saji's work, the theme of cultural identifiers is prevalent as she highlights the French debate over the hijab. This began in 1989 when three hijabi girls were suspended from their college. However, the minister of education clarified that students should be allowed "freedom of conscience and hence the right to wear religious signs." Western societies typically perceive cultural practices such as wearing a hijab as forced or oppressive, regardless of whether that is something desired by the women—an evident irony as it is the West who do not listen to Muslim women. There is an assumption that Muslim women who choose to wear a hijab lack agency, underscoring the normative view on Western ways of life. In this case, gender norms are universal and deviate from that, meaning they must be oppressive. Additionally, while victimizing Muslim women, they also take power away from those who use the hijab for different reasons and thus homogenize all experiences, feeding into the Western liberation attitude.

The theme of alienation is continued in Sikh Knowledge's track, which makes a mockery of the securitization that has enveloped America following 9/11. This includes lines such as "rob you of your modesty, like Americans," which is about the disproportionate targeting of South Asian and Middle Easterners as security threats. Again, visually or even by identity representing as "the other" is shown to have its downside with lines such as "Do you have your passport, Mr Singh?" perpetuating this theme of foreignness and marginalization that is prevalent across Mahrouse and Al-Saji's reports and Sikh Knowledge's track.

A common phenomenon we have seen in class is how migrant narratives often center on dreams of economic mobility and how a person's financial situation plays a significant role in their decision to move abroad, whether permanent or temporary. In Blood Brothers, Nimo and Swap illustrate the contrasting views of America from an immigrant perspective. Nimo has the typical deeply rooted perception of the American dream, viewing the US as a promised land where he can achieve generational wealth, saying, "I'm going to America and I'm gonna be a millionaire." While this optimistic view of America is typical, the lyrics also show the limited perception of India, saying, "There's nothing here in India." This juxtaposition between the two countries Echoes long-standing narratives regarding migration to the West and how non-Western countries lack opportunities. Nimo and his aspirations within America developed to align with the model minority. This is an immigrant who assimilates well while contributing economically, leaving behind heritage and culture and, in this case, his family ties. As the lyrics go further, you can see an increase in disconnectedness between the brothers and how Nimo's pursuit of wealth is a detriment to his connections. However, towards the end of the song, when talking to his brother, Nimo says, "No, I would never let you go what I've gone through," which is a significant change that reveals a moment of reflection on the different types of wealth that they've accumulated. While Nimo has been focusing on his financial well-being, Swap focuses on building a family and emotional well-being. Nimo deterring his brother from coming shows that despite the vast amount of success that is potentially available in America (though not for the vast majority of immigrants), achieving it at the expense of losing your culture and family is not a sacrifice worth making and not something that he would want his brother to go through.

Thobani's work on immigration policy continues this theme of economic growth. From an economic perspective, there was a significant change in economic theory after World War II, and growth became the primary driver behind every country's economy. As the economy expanded, there was an increase in labour shortages. This expansion allowed for the welcoming of non-white immigrants in a very artificial manner as the economic contribution aspect of the model minority was there; however, they were just there to sustain national growth. There is a lot of writing within economics regarding how only a crisis can bring change to economic theory. World War II was that crisis, and immigrants were the drivers of that change. Thobani goes on to highlight how these immigrants were considered " intolerant and parochial," which was used as a mechanism for the state and white people to refuse any responsibility for the faults of this economic thought. Having an "other" so deeply rooted in the economic system gave Canada, as well as the rest of the Western world, a scapegoat and target for exclusionary practices and policies when they no longer favoured the West.

Through Baldwin's reflection on the Algerian experience in Paris, we can understand the treacherous conditions faced by Algerians due to French colonialism. Living in a state of dehumanization and oppression, the Algerians faced many issues, including police brutality, which Baldwin rationalized by saying, "this is the way people react to the loss of an empire-for the loss of an empire also implies a radical revision of the individual identity." This theme of authoritativeness is consistent across the experience of many immigrants, as we have discussed most recently in reading about the Iranians. It is also interesting to see the contrast that Baldwin draws between the Algerians' "coherent" identity and his own and how that allowed him to reflect, saying, "I respected them, and as I began to discern what their history had made of them, I began to suspect, somewhat painfully, what my history had made of me." While Algerians faced significant disconnection being away from their homes, they still retained a sense of home despite their dislocation, which put them a step above African Americans, whose forced disconnection made it challenging to envision a sense of home. This reflection not only shows the importance of having a sense of hope but also signifies the long-term effects of forced displacement among African Americans.

Baldwin goes on to talk about the perceptions that the French had of him as he was considered civilized, which made him question why, if America could produce "gloriously civilized creature(s) as myself," why was the French not able to do the same for the Algerians however he faced the realization that Algerians did not want to be civilized, holding on to the culture that allowed them to maintain a sense of home.

Moving over to Martin's work, there is another parallel to be drawn between our exploration of Iranians in North America and the Moroccan French citizens, with the same concept of a "forever foreigner" being prominent. As mentioned when talking about the Iranians, they faced constant exclusion regardless of their legal or social status. For people within this category, citizenship was nothing more than a piece of paper that allowed them to stay where they were, disjointed from where they belonged. This theme of disconnectedness is seen repeatedly throughout the experiences of Middle Easterns and Americans in the UK and now Africans in Europe. It is interesting to explore how each disconnectedness is different and how that affects how people cope. For some immigrants, such as those depicted in Bend It Like Beckham, it becomes a desire to assimilate properly. For others, the themes of resistance are much more prevalent. A critical connecting theme that is relatively consistent across most of the groups we have discussed is this longing for home, whether that be the Syrians who intended to return home following their pedalling in America or the lascars hoping to bring back profit from the UK. Whether they return home is a different story, but this intention of not being away from home for long is an important one that keeps them connected to their culture and allows these cultures to form pockets within Western society.

Finally, briefly touching on Mandin, he explores some more relevant issues, bringing the discussion to Montreal and the migration of Moroccan Europeans seeking to escape from Europe's racist holds. When one of the interviewees was asked about differences in their experiences of France versus Canada, they said, "It is certain that racism is practically non-existent here. It is really non-existent. I would say, first, that I have never been arrested here. Never! It's been 7 years that I am in Montreal, 7 years that I'm in Canada, nobody ever arrested me. In Marseille, when I was coming out of my training session, with my bag on me, I was arrested. I assure you it is not a cliche, eh!" This truly exemplifies the amount of oppression that they faced while in these European colonialist countries, as well as their simple desire for dignity.

title goes hard

Muhammedi's chapter regarding Canadian immigration policies closely examines Prime Ministers Pearson and Pierre Trudeau. Both of them had a vision for these immigrants to positively impact the Canadian workforce in terms of economic and social capital. Pearson said, "immigration policy must be administered in the interests of the country and of the immigrants themselves in a context that takes into account the entire position of employment, training, and placement in Canada." While this seems like a considerable step forward in welcoming immigrants, there is still a sense of what was previously discussed as the "right kind of people," which in Canada's case extended beyond race and into economic concerns. These policies, while very progressive objectively, still had a bias towards those citizens who would fit in and improve Canada's identity, which was something that had yet to be concretely identified. The Order-in-Council PC, or the point system, was introduced in 1967 and introduced the evaluation of incoming immigrants in a "shift from a racialized and discriminatory approach." As aforementioned, despite its surface-level merits, it inherently favoured a particular class and nationality. While the requirements were set in age, education, training, skills, and language, these benefited people from economically developed countries. This is an interesting representation of the phenomenon where people tend to think that just because racism or racist policies do not occur explicitly anymore, they do not exist; however, they are quite often systemic barriers to entry for those who are not from a particular culture.

Regarding the case of the Ugandan Asians, I found it interesting that the Aga Khan was a close friend of Pierre Trudeau and played a considerable role in emphasizing the urgency of the Ismaili Ugandan Asians and Canada providing refuge for them. Conveniently, "the report aligned with the government's emphasis on adaptability to the Canadian labor market and the preference for highly skilled migrants under the points system." This allowed Trudeau to implement a policy that made Canada look good in a humanitarian manner while also being motivated by self-interest and benefiting the Canadian economy, presenting an uncommon "win-win" situation.

Moving on to Maghbouleh's reading, as discussed in my previous post, the United States had a significant issue regarding race classification and the fluctuation of races depending on the social and cultural context. Iranians' classification shifted between white and non-white depending on what whiteness favoured at that time. Similar to the Syrians, this typically meant that while they may be considered white on the census, they would still face negative experiences and racialization in their day-to-day lives. It is also interesting how such unfortunate experiences can be reminisced about so heartily, as at the beginning of the chapter, with the story of Kambiz and Nora. This is also representative of my experience growing up in Saskatchewan; I faced a considerable amount of racism. However, given that most of that happened during my childhood, I was less aware of it, so it was not something that I paid direct attention to, or that limited me, at least as far as 9-year-old Shouzab could tell.

Building on my previous post, I wanted to add to my discussion regarding the "mass browning" of Iranians following 9/11, how events that took place on the other side of the world significantly affected sentiment towards Iranians in America and how they are now considered "forever foreigners," as the hate towards them was so significant that "no degree of citizenship, legal whiteness, occupational and educational success, assimilatory efforts, or self-identification as "American" render middle easterners fully white in day to day life." This is a very impactful quote as it highlights the isolation of this group from mainstream acceptance, which was further amplified by Western media, painting them as villains in a way that was not recoverable and continues to impact both Iranians as well as anyone who could be mistaken for Iranian.

Finally, when reading Narayanan's article, I again related to the experience of navigating a very homogeneous community. While the article focuses on the word "tamoul" as a racial slur, it broadly highlights the misunderstandings that can promote this theme of thinking that racism is over with just because the extremely explicit practices may not be in use. However, subconscious things like children at school knowing and using a racial slur without having any knowledge of its historical background or the effect it may have on someone who is not the "right kind of person" can continue to perpetuate this institutionalized racism and when it exists in a community that is so homogeneous, this built-in racism flourishes without being checked. Adding on to the article, in my experience with these homogeneous communities, it is even more difficult to navigate given that they do not differentiate between the other races, lumping them all together and insulting anyone who is not like them with every insult that they know.

Before talking about external migration, Gualtieri emphasizes the importance of internal migration in building the Ottoman Empire. While immigration into the Ottoman Empire was attractive, the reality was that the citizens who already lived in the empire were incentivized to spread into areas that boasted agricultural and industrial output. External migration was even more challenging to control. As the Syrians began to journey to the United States, Gualtieri highlighted their dual role in the World Fairs. The first is one we have seen through previous classes, where we talked about Bengali Peddlers who migrated worldwide from South Africa to the UK to the United States, selling their "oriental goods." In the case of the Syrians, they labelled their goods as "wares from the Holy Land," further enticing that same group of upper and middle-class citizens who desired exotic and "authentic" products, continuing the theme of commodifying the "other."

The second part of their participation in the World Fair was as subjects rather than peddlers. The Western audiences were yet again fascinated by people who were different from them, so they took part in the Ottoman exhibit, a "living oriental exhibit." Across all of our readings, there have been many ways in which people are represented and treated in the West, whether that's something static like being part of exhibits or something more active on either side of the spectrum, whether assimilation or rebellion. While the difference in how they were perceived is one way that shaped immigrant identities, there is also a difference between those who assimilated and those who chose to return home. In this case, many Syrians only migrated with the desire to accumulate more wealth and return home. From an economic perspective, this is interesting. As aforementioned, it was challenging to control migration out of Mount Lebanon (despite their best efforts), but as these migrants sent money back, local economies still improved and benefited.

Asal continues to cover the background of Syrians from various perspectives as they integrate into American culture. With mixed feelings around labour, industrialist John H Barker recruited minorities such as Syrians into his workforce, saying, "the more ethnically diverse the local labor force was, the easier it would be for him to prevent labour organizing." This echoes what we saw with ayahs and lascars in the UK, where the immigrant workforce is seen as a cheaper and more manageable alternative for business owners. Asal goes on to highlight much of the contempt that surrounded Syrians, whether that be law enforcement who employed a sentiment of Syrians not being the "right kind of people" and disease carriers (trachoma) or the conflict between Syrian Christians and Muslims. It is also valuable to look at the fact that these divisions among Syrians did not prevent them from bringing stronger ties within their communities as organizations such as "Bader Elmoneer" formed among Shi'a Muslims, not only connecting them to Muslims in Michigan but also connecting them to those in South Dakota who were part of the same organization, emphasizing the solidarity among these immigrant communities.

Finally, on a different note, I enjoyed reading Curtis's work as it brought a fresh perspective that didn't only hinge on the experience of South Asians but also noted the racialization of East Asian races within Canada and the colonial foundations that excluded Indigenous communities. I appreciated that he referenced it as something continuous, not just a historical fact. He talked about how, initially, Canada viewed population growth as a strength; however, with the implementation of immigration acts in 1869 and 1910 (cash requirements or direct trade routes), it became difficult to understand whether population growth was something universally desired or just among what I previously mentioned as "the right kind of people." One final thing that caught my attention during the reading was the inconsistencies in labelling during historical records, as immigrants were initially labelled as "Turks" and later reclassified to include a variety of races. However, these races still overlapped, creating a lot of ambiguity and further emphasizing the complexity of immigrant identities abroad.

Atiya Husain's writing allows us to explore the intersectionality of race and religious identity, hinging on the experiences of Muslims in the West. Interestingly enough, her writing explores how even the acceptance of a non-Christian religion, such as Islam, distances those white people from whiteness. This is advanced when these white Muslims choose to take on physical markers that further their otherness. "Physical presentation greatly facilitates this presumed loss, particularly for women, as hijab is a "particularly efficient factor of racialization." This is extremely interesting as it highlights how religious belief and identity can undercut race in a society built on the concept of racism. As we have discussed in class, the discrimination from white people is typically towards anyone who does not align with their white Christian version of the perfect person. This racism towards white Muslims is an ideal example as they should have the same benefits as any other white person, but religion has such a significant impact that is not the case. In a previous class closer to the beginning of the semester, we discussed Islamophobia as racism, and I think this finding cements that concept. However, I do believe that there is still a level of privilege associated with being a white Muslim, as while taking on the physical markers of a Muslim may subject them to racialization, they still, to an extent, benefit from systemic whiteness and can evade the racism that envelopes brown and black Muslims.
 
Husain's study led to other interesting findings, such as the one of Nadeer, an African-American, who, as a black person, was profiled for his race and not his religion, as even though he had a beard, he said, "I don't know that anybody looks at me and sees 'Muslim,' which I think is just an advantage...Until they learn more and say, "Oh, that's why I knew there was something." Husain gathers a theme from similar stories that African-Americans are perceived as black rather than Muslim instead of being both.

Moving on to Gualtieri's work, there is a parallel to be drawn between how Syrians welcomed whiteness and how the Moriscos did. In the case of the Moriscos, as we have discussed, they publicly adopted Christianity due to the pressure from authorities while privately adhering to their Islamic beliefs. There are apparent differences between the two groups regarding how they approached societal acceptance; in both cases, they adopted the dominant religion and norms. Being able to identify as white would allow Syrians to be much more privileged in Western society. However, there was a split among the judges who would sometimes allow Syrians to identify as members of the white race, such as Judge Newman, who "drew on A.H. Keane's The World of People, to conclude that Syrians were part of the Caucasian or white race."

In contrast, others like Judge Henry Smith refused this notion, identifying a difference between Caucasians and whites. In his opinion, "the ultimate test of whiteness was one of geography, and the deciding factor was whether or not the applicant was from Europe or descendant of a European immigrant." Later on in the reading, there is a difference between being white and being the right kind of white, as Tom Ellis, a Syrian, was accepted as white. Yet, the immigration officers argued that he was not the right kind of white (being of European heritage). However, in his case, he was granted citizenship given that the statute did not mention Europeans exclusively, and otherwise, he was "exactly the type of person Congress had intended to become a citizen."

From there, there is the blatant desire for separation from the Syrian Society for National Defense, as they became worried that rulings excluding them from citizenship would render them "no better than blacks and Mongolians." So their argument became more about separating themselves racially and even religiously as they did not want to "jeopardize their standing by aligning them with Muslims."

Maghbouleh's writing expresses the experiences of Iranians in America, which shows even more exclusion despite being labelled as "white/ Caucasian" by law. The situation was worsened by public media coverage of images such as "American flags on fire in the street of Tehran," which prompted a rise against Iranians living in the United States, calling for their deportation. Maghbouleh goes on to develop the impact on Iranian students, calling it a "mass public browning," which I think is a perfect way to put it. This is a continuation of the theme mentioned at the start of my discussion post, where discrimination from the West stems from anything that is beyond the normal, and even being associated with a group that loses the support of public opinion can cause great harm.

Asian Dub Foundation is back with another Dub. This time, their song, TH9, reflects the attacks on immigrant communities in the UK. Most prominently, they focus on the experience of Quddus Ali, who was 17 years old at the time when a group of gang members assaulted him. While at the surface, this may seem like any other event of gang violence, there was a pattern at the time across the UK of violence that was more racially charged, and this incident brought light to a lot of the other ones. Before anything else, I will preface by talking about the "passive resistance" that is a common theme for first-generation immigrants who are not trying to ruffle any of the feathers of the countries they're arriving in. So they sit silently while both they and the people around them who are like them are berated and endure racial tension. Asian Dub Foundation highlights this with lines such as "our parents had to sit tight, weren't allowed to fight back physically, just a mental strain."

Events like that of Quddus Ali are pivotal and allow us to remember moments where there is a standing up among second-generation immigrants who choose to confront rather than avoid and don't have the same pressure to assimilate. The passive resistance, while it may have been necessary, naturally made it more difficult to escape the societal norms that stem from oppression. Second-generation immigrants and those who came after them opposed what Hutnyck described as neo-Orientalism and showed a refusal to remain passive. A recent example of this was seen all across North America and even in Europe, where university students held protests on campus in the face of genocide in the Middle East. The response to many of these protests by politicians and the general public shows that suppression is an ongoing issue; contrastingly, the resilience of these protesters and students indicates a prominent demand to be heard.

ADF's song leads into Fun^Da^Mental's Dog-Tribe and more of Hutnyck's analysis as ADF's line "we're too black too strong," continues to exemplify the resilience and solidarity between Asians and black communities in their fight against racial oppression in the West. The common theme that we've come across many times in class is the lack of discrimination when it comes to who the West wants to discriminate. Typically, it's anyone who is unlike them. Hutnyck shows the importance of this inter-racial solidarity by saying, "strategies that cut across white–black divisions and which seek to organise the working classes against the racist provocations of the fascists and systematic exploitation in terms of lack of housing and employment and so on. This sort of engagement combines the best aspects of carnivalism and hard-edged community self-organisation."

One final theme that we've discussed in class is the existence of systemic racism and how it's perpetuated through different legal policies and regulations. Acts such as the Criminal Justice Act, which was touched on, show the oppression brought about by policy and continues to show itself many years later. This act increased the amount of police authority and limited public gatherings, which was a blatant push against protest, which was one of the only ways that minority groups could express their feelings of injustice. This included the banning of demonstrations of more than 20 people, attaching the title"aggravated" to any trespass, the ability for police to stop and search, as well as arrest on "reasonable suspicion" for terrorism. All of this shows that despite public sentiment, there are always ways for the government to get involved in an oppressive way, even if it's not the popular opinion.

Noble Drew Ali's Moorish Science Temple was a pivotal moment for Black Americans that introduced a shift toward Islam in an unconventional manner. While traditional Islamic teachings were quite cemented, Ali proposed Islam to Black Americans as a “unique heritage of Asiatic peoples,” which is how he chose to define himself, removed from the racial classifications of “blackness” and being a “Negro” that were imposed by the West. He authored a book called The Holy Koran of the Moorish Science Temple, which, similar to the movement itself, bore little resemblance to the traditional Qu'ran. Rather than being based on past religions, Ali drew from esotericist groups revolving around spirituality. While he incorporated Islamic symbols, his version of Islam was more purposed at putting confidence behind Black Americans, “attempting to recast black identity strictly in terms of nation and creed.”

The racialization faced by Black Americans is a large part of the reason many of them found solace in being part of the MST — a place where they were no longer simply products of social categorization. This was further inflated by restrictive policies such as those implemented by Senator Albert Johnson and Vice President Coolidge — lobbying for racial homogeny and “Nordic supremacy” as many of these laws prioritized immigration from North European countries while restricting all else. As we have discussed in class, not only did they restrict immigration, but those who already lived in America were unable to achieve citizenship. Collectively, this resulted in some significant racial segregation. Again, the MST offered these Black Americans to create an identity beyond the labels attributed to them by white Americans.

While Ali did reject those labels and attempt to transcend race, I think there were some contradictions within his messages and actions. While he supposedly dismissed “biological blackness” and chose to identify himself and his followers as Asiatic, he denounced interracial relationships in favour of “racial purity.” This was very interesting to me as on page 46, there is much conversation about Ali filtering out racial identity and instead categorizing by cultural and national identity, and even criticized the legislation for its “continuing commitment to more old=fashined biological notions of group identity and racial purity.” Later on, when speaking about interracial relationships, Ali's implicit argument was that racial purity was necessary for black redemption, saying, “We, as a clean and pure nation descended from the inhabitants of Africa, do not desire to amalgamate or marry into the families of the pale skin nations of Europe.” The contradiction here is essentially that Ali's thought included universalism; however, it simultaneously promoted separatism to maintain their identity.

One final point on Ali's MST I wanted to touch on was whether they appropriated Islamic culture. While the reading makes mention multiple times of Ali's thoughts appropriating Islam, I do not believe that they do. As defined by Brittanica, cultural appropriation “takes place when members of a majority group adopt cultural elements of a minority group in an exploitative, disrespectful, or stereotypical way,” and while I do think that it may have been removed, I do not believe that the Black Americans were a “majority group” by any means and it was without will ill towards them.

Moving on to Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam, his story is much more well-known. His transition to Islam began in prison, and in reading his autobiography, it is very interesting to see him give up pork and smoking in hopes of it allowing him to subvert authorities, but later being encouraged by his brother to adopt the lifestyle of a Muslim — the “natural religion for the black man.” Similar to the MST, the NOI teachings denounced the white man, with the NOI promoting the concept that “the white man is the devil,” which happened to resonate with Malcolm quite a bit as he explored the concept of white supremacy and allowed himself to understand the oppression being imposed. In the same way that the Moors were able to find pride in their newfound identity, Malcolm X found his empowerment in the morals and values of the Nation of Islam.

After writing to Elijah Muhammad initially, I found it interesting that his response was so particular to the case of Malcolm — an imprisoned black man. He said, “The black prisoner symbolized white society's crime of keeping black men oppressed and deprived and ignorant, and unable to get decent jobs, turning them into criminals.” While his family lighted the initial spark within Malcolm, this played a particular role in showing him that despite being imprisoned, it was the system's fault, not his own.

Finally, Turner touches on this theme of resisting racial oppression by exploring the impact of Ahmadiyya Islam among “bebop jazz musicians.” The Ahmadiyya sect, in particular, stood out to many with a strong message of racial equality, and this transcended the confines of race. One of the first stories mentioned in the story is of a missionary in America who was imprisoned, and during his time there, he converted 20 men from all over the world — from Jamaica to Germany. The application of this religion was also different for each person. A powerful example of this is Yusef Lateef, who converted due to his values and then used this empowerment to discourage the use of drugs within the Jazz community — using religion as a way to shape his surroundings and even his passions.

When it comes to the enslavement of African American Muslims, Diouf highlights some major differences and disparities between perceptions of the Christian slaveholders and the enslaved people themselves. There was obvious resistance among those enslaved Muslims who would not accept missionary and owners’ forced conversion attempts, which they would interpret as “stupidity” or ignorance. However, Diouf is able to highlight that this supposed stupidity was not a lack of understanding but rather a lack of desire to convert and abandon their religion. Despite the horrid conditions and oppression these enslaved Muslims faced, turning away from their faith was not an option, but that was not the case for all.

The difference in perception extends into the difference in techniques when approaching slaves regarding conversion — sincere conversations versus forced conversations. However, even those forced into conversion often did so purely to survive. This is an example of the Shi’i taqiyya concept discussed in the last discussion post’s readings. Regardless, an example where forced conversion took place was in Brazil, where, following independence, Catholicism was declared the national religion, which was followed by the abolishment of all slave religions. They went so far as to fine owners of slaves for every non-Christian they owned. This highlights that the problem was not just oppression stemming from slave owners but rather a larger societal disapproval that enticed said owners to ensure all of their slaves were “good Christians.” However, what becomes important in this context is the taqiyya or pseudoconversion, more specifically, where slaves choose to portray themselves as Christians externally while secretly holding onto their Islamic values and beliefs. This, similar to previous discussions, was another example of self-preservation done in order to save themselves from preservation. However, that does not mean that their pseudoconversions went unnoticed. In a letter from the French minister to Brazil, he wrote:

“Most of the Minas, if not all, are outwardly Christians, but they are actually Muslims, but as this religion would not be tolerated in Brazil, they hide this fact, and most are baptized, with names borrowed from the calendar. Notwithstanding outward appearances, I have been able to ascertain that they faithfully cherish the beliefs they bring with them from Africa and zealously hand them on, since they study Arabic thoroughly enough to understand the Koran, at least roughly.”

While this shows that their tactic was not necessarily working as planned, it was still difficult to determine whose conversion was false and who was honest. Diouf goes on to mention many cases of “questionable conversions” of slaves who typically “reverted” to Islam, never having truly left it. Instead of leaving Islam, they would adapt their beliefs and practices to please the onlookers, displaying just a surface-level commitment while maintaining their true religion behind the scenes. There are reports of these reversions, however, I believe it can be safe to assume many more are left unaccounted for.

Diouf goes on to mention some of Islam’s five pillars and how these affected those slaves enduring hardship. The most difficult, perhaps, was the obligation of 5 prayers a day. With slaves not being able to play openly, many made adjustments and cut down on the required amount or had to let go altogether, maintaining their spirituality in other ways. However, it is also relevant to recognize the experience of those like Ayuba Suleyman Diallo, who, on account of his supposed noble lineage, maintained a certain level of fame, and his owner allowed him a dedicated prayer space. While most slaves did not share this privilege, there were varying levels of religious freedom. Many of these Muslims, despite being enslaved, still found ways to commit and fulfill their zakah to one another, even if the object of the matter was not necessarily monetary.

The autobiography of Omar Ibn Said is an intriguing one, as he became a slave in America, yet was educated in Islamic theology and law, setting him apart from the less literate slaves. While his story accounts for his conversion to Christianity, there is a lot of debate online regarding the true nature of his conversion. Throughout the reading, he readily refers to the Koran, his loss of language, and his God; however, he also refers to Christianity, which makes it difficult to assess. Given the religious situation at that time, I would presume that his conversion was more of a survival strategy than an honest one, as his writing makes it seem like he is still holding onto that part of his life.

GhaneaBassiri covers more of the social dynamics that became relevant for those who were enslaved. The major divide in this scenario was regarding religion, and the actions of the slaves amplified it. Those African Muslim slaves often distanced themselves from the other Africans, considered to be superior when it came to intelligence, as they were often able to read and write Arabic. This superiority created unwanted divisions among the slaves who were already oppressed. This showed up in the form of social mobility, where those such as Diallo (mentioned earlier) could receive benefits such as their own prayer space.

Additionally, other Muslim slaves would be treated with more respect, given their literacy and perceived nobility. While this allowed for social mobility within the demographic of slaves, they were still fenced in by the broader enslavement. Beyond negotiating for better treatment, religion also played a pivotal role as a source of strength and spirituality.

Moriscos, Muslim converts to Christianity, were typically outcasts and were seen as a threat to Christianity in New Spain. While it may seem unwarranted and often was, the outcast view was usually the product of the thought that these Moriscos had only converted to the outside world. It was assumed that many of these people, while outwardly embracing Christianity and attending mass, secretly engaged in Islamic rituals and practices, and this fear was believed to hurt the Catholic culture.

An interesting case within this inquisition was the case of Maria Ruiz, who, to the confusion of many, denounced herself to the Mexican inquisitors. While there is no evidence of why she did this, I assume it was a strategic ploy. While there was an obvious dislike of Morisca/os, I think her motives were strategic. Moriscos were typically considered to be those who secretly practiced Islam due to their past; however, I believe Maria Ruiz's' coming forward was her attempt at taking control of the narrative. Rather than be questioned about her past, leading to the uncovering that there was a Muslim background, she took the safe route in which she pre-empts any potential accusations. By admitting her involvement in Islam and presenting herself as a Catholic, she would be able to frame a story in which she denounced Islam and embraced Catholicism. I think this was likely a better alternative than the authorities finding it out on their own and her being left empty-handed, as she would have to defend why she hid it. With suspicion of Islam activity being rampant, this was more of an act of self-preservation than anything else.

Another theme within Cook's' writing that I found interesting was the conversation about the Shi'i Islamic concept of taqiyya, also known as religious dissimulation, in which Muslims are permitted to conceal their faith and religious practices to avoid persecution. This is quite a significant topic within Shi'i' Islam as it was developed heavily by people such as Imam Jafar as-Sadiq (A.S.) at a time when he was facing oppression from the caliph al-Mansur. In As-Sadiq's' case, taqiyya was a means of survival. His supporters were imprisoned and even executed due to their religious allegiances, and this concept allowed them to conceal their identity. This relates quite similarly to the situation faced by the Moriscos, as taqiyya permits external conformity to whatever the dominant culture is in order to maintain one's self. Similar to how Shi'i Muslims conformed to the order of Abbasid rule, the Moriscos were confirmed to avoid danger. This concept also gives way for the Spanish authorities to have increased suspicion and make stories such as that of Maria Ruiz more difficult to believe if there was a way for her to denounce something and still abide by her religion. In both the Imam's' time and that of the Moriscos, taqiyya culminates as an essential method in order to ensure survival, continuing the theme of self-preservation.

One final thing that Cook touched on was the intersection of Islam and Protestantism in New Spain. They found the belief of Islamic Iconoclasm — the rejection of physical depictions — to mirror the Protestant beliefs regarding religious symbolism. As described by Cook: "Among many Spaniards, iconoclasm came to be associated with Moriscos and Protestants, as one of the threatening markers of their separation from the Catholic community and disloyalty to the nation." This described the reality that both Islam and Protestantism were seen as significant threats to the Catholic's control and increased the worry of Catholicism falling.
Moving onto more recent topics regarding the Latin people. Bowen mentions the involvement of Latinos in the Nation of Islam, which had a particular enticing aspect for them. The story of Manuel 2X, who became one of the first Mexican-American NOI ministers, does a great job of showing what it was that attracted Latinos to the NOI. Bowen's' words on the topic are, "He found their message and social improvement programmes relevant for 'the Indian and the Mexican.'" This highlights that the purpose behind many Latinos joining these communities was entrenched in addressing social and racial inequalities. This aspect of social good and resisting oppression became a driving force for Latinos in the NOI, reflecting the white supremacy that was surrounding them. Similar to how we have talked in the past about Hindus siding with Muslims and sharing a sense of solidarity, the Latinos did the same thing, bridging the gap that existed between African Americans and Latinos.

Building on this solidarity, Morales dives into some broader communities, such as the Latino American Dawah Organization (LADO) and PIEDAD. This does not necessarily mean a shift from solidarity, but rather that the religious aspect became increasingly prevalent. The "Sunnification" of the NOI also marked a shift "abandon(ing) a vision of a racially exclusivity for an inclusive one." The solidarity that was once found between Latinos and African Americans could now extend far beyond that to a general Muslim community promoting inclusivity.

Buettner's essay does a strong job of exploring Indian cuisine as it progresses through the British culture — going from shunned and "stanky" to a commonplace occurrence all across Britain. My first reaction to this reading was, "Wow, even our dishes aren't safe." Somehow, the British not only colonize everywhere they go, but they colonize our cooking now, too. Buettner goes into detail, talking about how Indian cuisine in the Western world is far removed from anything served "authentically" in India. Furthermore, it is learned that the majority of these Indian restaurants are not even owned by Indians but rather by Pakistanis and Bangladeshis. All of this represents an apparent commercialization of Indian cuisine to be set up just the way the West likes it again, but those from South Asia cannot really be blamed.

The real blame stems from a deeper issue earlier in Britain's history. As lascars and professionals began seeking money-making opportunities on the shores, they were forced to commodify their culture as a means to survive. In previous classes, we saw this through the lens of the Bengalis who went to America and made a living by upping their culture and selling something to the upper class that was an exaggerated version of the truth. While the culinary field isn't identical, some key patterns remain consistent across both situations. Buettner exemplifies the transition to Indian food becoming a staple as "the evolving dialectic between the rejection and embrace of the 'other.'"

When these restaurants began popping up, particularly in the lascar communities, as we previously discussed, they were a way for immigrants to offer other immigrants a piece of their home. They would come to the restaurants and sit for hours, soaking in the culture contrasting to the outside world. While this is how the restaurants began, they were in store for a significant transformation as British people started to find the taste tolerable. Buettner highlights a woman's story, saying she could not stand the "stank of curry." What was particularly interesting in her account was that she made it quite clear that her problems had nothing to do with the colour of her neighbour's skin but rather just the smell of the food. This is another theme that was mentioned in my previous post, where I talked about how very often the case is that the problems people have aren't about skin colour but rather about lifestyle choices, and anything other than what they deem acceptable has to be wrong.

Another interesting link that Buettner makes is the role of masculinity within Indian food as it became more popular. She talks about how young men thought of "going out for an Indian" as a ritual framed as a "boys' night out." The aspect that stands out is the similarities between the treatment of staff and the power dynamic between Britain and India. These boys coming into the restaurants would often ridicule the staff, attempting to assert dominance as staff wore proper "servile" uniforms. In turn, this made the restaurant experience even less authentic. What was once a way for South Asians to feel back at home now became a means for the British to reaffirm their superiority in a country's cuisine they had already colonized.

One final thing I want to point out, and this is due to the mention of Muslims owning many of these restaurants, is the extent to which generalization goes and how harmless it can be. After 9/11, there was a significant increase in racism towards Arabs, which quickly spread to all Muslims. From there, it naturally arrived to Pakistanis, and with such a long history, it extends to Indians as well. When I was thinking about this, I thought of the game "telephone," where racism continues to expand to no end and affects people who have no involvement whatsoever.

Back to the food, Mannur's Chapter 1 highlights Madhur Jaffrey's cookbook and, in a way, extends the conversation about South Asian food becoming Westernized. In Jaffrey's case, however, it plays the role of what is described as a "patriotic responsibility" to represent Indian food in a certain way to a Western audience while catering to the nostalgic Indian audience in the West. A portion of the reading speaks about her adapting her recipes to conform to Western kitchens, which is inevitable, and how doing things such as using the blender rather than a grinding stone is an example of "fabricating authenticity." Interestingly, despite being aware of the differences between her cooking and the cooking that happened back in India, she still considers it authentic because sticking to the methods is not the only way to achieve that.

Nani by Mr. Cardamom includes videos at the start of Madhur Jaffrey's cooking videos, and you can see how the first clip is seen outside with what looks like an attempt at a more authentic setting and a second clip in an industrial kitchen. It then shows Mr. Cardamom's mom following the instructions and cooking, and when she is interrupted, it dives into the song of her standing up for herself and her ways. While not directly related to cooking following that, she still shows a sense of pride and legacy in her family when she says things like, "85 years with my family on my back."

The influx of South Asians moving to the Western Canadian coast provides a strong example of the development and exacerbation of different methods of systemic discrimination. It also brings forward some immigration policies that were proposed and put into place to limit Indian immigration. Ward describes the Punjabi people's challenges when encountering hostility in British Columbia. A common theme with a lot of the migration we covered in class is the conception of cultural inferiority, and the Punjabis were no exception.

One key component of the reading that was particularly impactful was that of Mackenzie King's report in 1908, where he highlighted that "the native of India is not a person suited to this country, that, accustomed as many of them are to the conditions of a tropical climate, and possessing manners and customs so unlike those of our own people, their inability to readily adapt themselves to surroundings entirely different could not do other than entail an amount of privation and suffering which render a discontinuance of such immigration most desirable in the interests of the Indians themselves." This quote and argument had a significant impact, framing these Indians as inherently unfit — not even given a chance to prove otherwise.

King's prejudice is famous, but it is important to remember that this existed across the board for many of the white people living in Western Canada at the time, and the subject matter was not necessarily just Indians. Ward highlights a quote from the colonists regarding Indians: "They are a case more apart even than the Chinese; their habits of life are unsatisfactory. They do not bring their wives with them and will not make homes and rear families. They are totally unfitted for a white man's country…" This quote highlights two things — (a) white people were so uncomfortable with any change from the status quo that something as simple as a lifestyle difference (which was not even necessarily true) prompted them to mark these people as unfit, and (b) this prejudice, while most prominent for Punjabis and those of Indian heritage, extended far beyond that covering East Asians as well. These combine to show that the problem was never with a certain type of people; it was with all types of people who weren't them. In addition to this, Indians were subject to racism on the basis that they carried diseases like Cholera and venereal diseases, which Ward mentions is likely the byproduct of older perceptions of Oriental immigrants. However, this makes it all the more clear that some initial assumptions that may have been made and disproved can just as easily continue to be perpetuated.

Another interesting aspect of Ward's analysis was the development of immigration policies in relation to the racist general attitudes. The most interesting and innovative was the Continuous Passage Rule of 1908, which essentially, without explicitly mentioning any race or discrimination, made it near impossible for Indians to migrate to Canada. This rule essentially made it so that anyone coming to Canada must do so without making any stops along the way, which was effectively impossible for Indian immigrants since there were no direct shipping routes. This policy stood out to me as a very clever way of perpetuating racism subtly at an institutional level — a sleight of hand done at a significant level.

Moving to Leonard's analysis, there is a much larger focus on interracial relationships between Punjabi and Mexicans in Mexico and the Southern USA. Immediately in the reading, it can be seen that these marriages typically had severe doubts about the legality of such relationships. There seemed to be an immediate reaction and suspicion of these marriages operating as a means to an end — allowing Punjabi men to gain more power or even just survive, securing property and livelihood this way. The interactions between different racial groups become even more interesting when it comes to marriage, as there is typically a sentiment of "stealing" women of "purer" races, and this is not a one-way street. While white people get upset at the idea of another race becoming part of their bloodline, it is important to consider that the non-white men in these marriages may not have the best intentions either. A recurring theme in South Asian culture is the idea that marrying a white woman is a status symbol, which essentially commodifies women and makes it nearly impossible to support either side of the equation with good judgment.

Beyond the moral argument, these marriages were often used by Punjabi men as a stepping stone to gain legal advantages such as their children being able to purchase property, things that would have otherwise been impossible due to immigration laws. Leonard highlights many stories of how marriage was used as a practical and transactional arrangement rather than a legitimate relationship, formed primarily on the basis of improving the financial and economic standing of the "inferior" race.

Finally, one piece of Shah's analysis connects to our readings from the last class, where we spoke about the immigration question regarding polygamy as a means to keep out people who didn't fit the norm. Shah dives deeper into this and discusses the creation of the "stansard if Chrhsitain monogamous marriage." Those questions asked of immigrants (mentioned in the last class), paired with this aspect of Shah's writing, reinforce the same theme highlighted in Ward's writing. White people did not want to accept anything other than the status quo and did everything they could through policing and laws to maintain their power.

Title of this made me lol

Bald’s Bengali Harlem covers various periods in which South Asians navigated a global network. While a large portion of the work covers their arrival to the US, he initially mentions their journeys to areas such as South Africa and Britain. These Bengali Muslims typically travelled, selling silks and fabrics as peddlers, but also had a remarkable “ability to adapt to their deportation and operate within a much larger field of possibilities.” For men who were turned away from the US, rather than immediately attempt entry again, they would take on various labour positions, such as miners, and eventually transition back to their original trade. This adaptability was critical in allowing them to succeed in multiple markets year-round.

A key aspect of their migration to the US hinges on a topic that underscores the majority of the discussions in our class — Orientalism. We have talked many times about fetishizing and viewing the Orient as “exotic,” and Bald provides insight into how the Bengalis were able to make good out of this. Using the upper- and middle-class fantasies as a backbone to their business, these peddlers took complete advantage of the Indian craze that Bald contextualizes as follows:

“For Americans of the era, ‘India’ was presented as part of a mysterious and exotic ‘Orient’ that took in the entire swath of North Africa, the Middle East, India, and Ceylon. This ‘Orient,’ in turn, was a blur of images, stories, references, and fantasies.”

While this “blur” created difficulties regarding individuals and their identity, it was a tool that the peddlers used to sell these items to the American market as “oriental goods.” To an extent, these goods became status symbols for those “middle-class consumers…in the midst of a fin de siècle fashion for the exotic ideas.”

The Daily Herald article that Bald references exemplifies the perception of these Bengalis in Atlanta. As Bald highlights, the article outlines a clear set of expectations on how these people should behave, playing into the narrative of the “other.” It’s interesting to see that from the other perspective, coming to these Western countries was not necessarily a way to try something better but rather the seizing of opportunity. Bald’s reference to Hooghly’s peddlers puts it in a way that contrasts the expectations with the results. The full quote is very long and at the bottom half of page 46 if you would like to reference it, but for context, it characterizes these Bengalis as opportunists moving from place to place without the intention of giving up their lives and homes. Later on in Chapter 5, we learn about those who do end up building lives in places such as Harlem and even New Orleans, but it is important to point out that this was not the case for all individuals, especially during times when Indophilia and xenophobia were on the rise. A lot of the history when it comes to melancholic migrants that we cover is about the people who have stayed in the West, but these folks who were essentially nomads played a significant role in how the West perceives people of South Asian backgrounds, and so it is essential to consider them as well.

For those that did stay, however, another interesting factor that played into their adaptability was the peddlers not viewing these busy tourist summers as their end all be all. Rather than staying stationary, they operated as nomads spending their summers in popular tourist hubs more north in the US. As the cold enveloped the north in the winter, they migrated to cities such as New Orleans, placing themselves in areas that offered them year-round opportunities.

Moving towards a more permanent stay, Bald also speaks about the influx of immigrants in areas such as Harlem in the 20th century. I found this chapter quite compelling as it speaks of the dynamic between these South Asians with official records. Mentions of avoiding census polls and officials make it difficult to accurately estimate the amount of Indians in Harlem at the time, which is unsurprising, but what I found much more interesting was how Indian and Bengali men particularly were portrayed in official records. While African American women were labelled as coloured, Indian grooms received identification at all ends of the spectrum ranging from “white” to “Indian” to “Negro”. While Bald mentions in passing that this was related to Indian grooms seeming to “confound the city marriage clerks’ understandings of race,” I would like to understand better what would prompt a marriage clerk to see someone as white versus brown, and whether that was typically a clerical error or misleading on behalf of the groom. Still, these interracial marriages were strategic in that they were able to create a community that spanned beyond just the likeness of one kind of person.

Mo Muse's Friday is an impactful piece of work that stands against the Islamophobic acts that have unfortunately become so prevalent in today's society. This alienation that is imposed on anyone who looks, speaks or acts differently severely harms regular experiences for those people. Lines such as "Friday is the only day we feel we belong" exemplify that communal events such as Friday prayer give these people a sense of otherwise non-existent belonging. This is furthered by lines like "every dirty look given to a woman with Hijab," which highlight the subtle and continuous microaggressions that are rampant in the daily lives of Muslims. My biggest takeaway from this, however, was towards the end of the song when Muse references how normalized these attacks have begun, that the public is desensitized to the more significant issues at hand — "We had to wait, 51 janaazah services to surface, just to have a debate, about whether there's hate". Even after countless acts of violence against Muslims across the world, there exists a reluctance to face this issue, downplaying the severity of Islamophobia in the West.

Mohabir's Antiman dives into the emotional and cultural effects of language loss and cultural negligence. Throughout these chapters, Rajiv and his father are relentlessly at odds about their approach to heritage. Like many first- and second-generation immigrants, Rajiv's father falls victim to the pressure to assimilate into Western society. I found the language aspect interesting. When Rajiv shows interest in Hindi, his father is dismissive, noting it as an impractical language compared to Hebrew or Greek. Not only is this done with the intention of keeping Rajiv from exploring his roots, but it also instills a sense of cultural inferiority where assimilation seems reasonable while connecting with one's own culture is backward and unproductive. Rajiv actively shows opposition to his father's point of view, making conscious efforts to learn as much as he can from Aji, who teaches him Bhojpuri and various songs.

His desire to connect with language and culture is not free of external hampers either as he attempts to learn Hindi, and when telling his teacher about his lack of knowledge, his teacher says he is "not a real Indian." This is particularly important as it shows the deep connection and intertwining between a heritage and its native language. When I went to Pakistan in Grade 6, I was confronted with a similar linguistic issue as I spoke perfect English, but when put in a classroom with all Pakistani kids, the only relevant part of my identity became my broken Urdu. So, even within my own country amongst my people, I was still an outsider. The intentions behind this trip to Pakistan were to deepen cultural connection, and it became evident that to do so, there would need to be an improvement in my communication. As for Rajiv, his pursuit of language became a means for him to "connect with [his] Indianness."

The most interesting aspect of Australianama was Khatun's examination of marriage, particularly Mahar. Khatun uses the story of Adelaide Khan and her dual engagement as a means to open discussion regarding the intersection of South Asian and Australian marriage practices. The term attributed to these marriages was "brideprice," portraying concepts like Mahar as transactional and women as commodities. On the contrary, Khatun continues to develop on Mahar, identifying it as a key concept in Islamic judicial tradition, which extends far beyond just attaching a price to a bride. By highlighting this distinction, Khatun is emphasizing additional disconnects that exist between common beliefs and actualities of religions like Islam, a theme that occurs consistently throughout the text as well as Muse's Friday.

Asian Dub Foundation's "Debris" is an observation of British imperialism and how that prompted the migration of South Asians to the UK. The line that encompasses the entire essence of the song is:

"We're only here 'cos you were there, Consequences of your global pillage."

The last portion of this — global pillage — is in reference to all of the extraction of resources that was committed in colonized nations across the world, and by extension, also led to the dispersion of many individuals from those countries. These people, in search of greater opportunities, began to migrate to desired positions, such as nurses and ship workers, and even then, they were still exploited and often ended up homeless in London. This song is increasingly relevant now as even today, those who do not adopt the culture prevalent where they live are seen as outsiders or people burdening the state and taking from those who were there originally. Asian Dub Foundation does a good job of reminding people that the multiculturalism that is so rampant is due to imperialism from the past. It is important to highlight these issues as migrants are seen as scapegoats in many Western countries for economic topics such as the housing crisis, but as ADF says — "the fruits of our labour were used to build your nation," — showing that their entire country is built on oppression, and blaming those who were oppressed is not the correct way forward.

Both ADF and Visram explore this theme of persuasive migration, whether explicit or not, where inhabitants of a country are prompted to move abroad. Visram explores this concept through many types of migrants including nurses, footworkers, and even entertainment troupes. While what ADF referred to was less explicit, Visram provides specific examples and context for what took place. In many instances, South Asians would be brought to the UK under the pretense that they would be serving a family, but if that family were to require their services no longer, or if their caretaker died, they were abandoned and left to roam the streets or seek refuge in lodging houses. These houses played a large role in the formation of racialized communities as they became a gathering place for all of those who were displaced, and even then, they were exploitative, requiring 16 shillings a week for overcrowded rooms with up to 50-60 ayahs in one house. These lodging houses not only continued to exploit these communities but also created a sort of systematic segregation as immigrant communities all sought shelter there.

This trend continued for the lascars, where Indian sailors lived in poor conditions and lodging houses scattered across seaport towns such as Cardiff. Gilliat-Ray and Mellor continue this theme of exploitation (and lodging houses) but focus mainly on Indian, Yemeni and Somali seamen. Being from colonial countries, they were recruited as members of nations with "strong merchant shipping traditions"; however, the reason for their employment was less honest. British labourers were less and less willing to work on steam vessels given the rough work, so external recruitment was required.

In terms of Islamophobia, the primary difference between that against the Yemeni and Somali lascars versus the modern day is that this early racism primarily stemmed from economic factors. While the Muslims coming for their jobs initially was not a problem as they were undesirable, this changed following WWI, as Gilliat-Ray and Mellor mention:

"Muslims began to feel the sharp end of prejudice with calls that they should "go home." The tensions that arose led to violent race riots and attacks on boarding houses inhabited by Muslim seafarers in 1919.

This shows that the tensions during the prominence of the Yemeni and Somali lascars were driven by fear of competition for jobs, while in the modern day, there is a significant focus on the cultural and religious differences and consideration of these communities as the "other."

External Source Referenced: https://www.exodus2013.co.uk/the-lascars-of-london-and-liverpool/

The introduction to Sawhney has an audio clip of his parents reflecting on their immigration to the UK. Based on their brief dialogue, I think that their feelings towards migration have components of cultural loss but also a tinge of hope. His mother speaks about sacrifice while his father brings more light saying that the eventual result was positive. As for the song itself, it creates a feeling of longing within the listener. I believe that it is from the perspective of the child of a migrant who is disconnected from their culture. It is common to hear that your parents gave up their dreams to create a better life for you as immigrants, and I believe this is represented right at the beginning where the word “dreams” is repeated many times followed by “I can feel your dreams, dreams”.

I think this all leads to the idea of migrant melancholia, and the mother at the beginning of the song speaking of the sacrifice in a reminiscent way is a strong example of this. I also believe that this song portrays some extent of intergenerational melancholia, which in my case, is something that becomes more prominent the older you get. In my case, when I was younger I was ignorant of the sacrifices my parents made moving across the world with 2 kids and one on the way, however as I have gotten older and had more honest conversations with them, it becomes clear that they made infinite sacrifices just for me and my siblings to have better opportunities.

My experience in this case ties into one of two examples Sara Ahmed stated:

“Stories of happy families are presented as the reconciliation of want: either the child comes to see the wisdom of the parents and aligns her want with what the parents want for her, or the parents come to see the wisdom of the child and align their wants for the child with what the child wants; alternatively (and usually) some sort of compromise is formed”

These films and stories that Ahmed references talk about reconciliation as if it is black or white — either the child aligns with the parents or the parents see the child's side, and it leaves out a ton of gray areas. For me, it was never the case of what my parents wanted for me, and they would never put such expectations on me, but through hearing their stories, there exists a natural reminiscence. Even though not intentional, it makes me think of why I am where I am and what had to be lost in the process for this to happen. I think that my experience represents a form of dialogue that is missed otherwise, and rather than being based on opposing views between the first-generation migrants versus their children and wider society, it is about understanding the emotional impact that stems from migration without having to face conflict headfirst.

Another portion of Ahmed’s reading I really enjoyed was her notes regarding the promise of citizenship and how those who have not reached that “happiness” yet, have to demonstrate that they are worthy — a trait exemplified through Bend It Like Beckham. The child in this case is able to achieve that ideal by conforming to the culture she is raised in. While her heritage and culture — even simple things such as eating traditional food — become alien to her, the Western culture she is adopting is shaping her to become another example of a “good migrants”.