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This really takes you into the life of someone navigating multiple layers of identity. Ali shares his journey as a queer Somali immigrant in Canada, struggling to figure out who he is while facing a bunch of challenges along the way. It’s not just about his sexuality but also the struggles with race, culture, and trauma that come with being from a marginalized background.
One thing that really stood out in the piece is how Ali describes the feeling of him not being able to fit in anywhere. He’s caught between his Somali roots and the pressure to fit into Canadian society, which seems to have its own set of expectations about race and identity. Then there’s his experience with being queer in a community that isn’t necessarily accepting. It’s tough enough figuring out who you are, but when your culture, family, and society don’t support you, it makes it a lot harder to find peace with yourself. His journey isn’t just about embracing his sexual identity; it’s about understanding how trauma and past experiences shape the way he views relationships, trust, and even love.
What I think is so powerful is how he shines a light on these struggles, identity, race, sexuality, and trauma. Which are still super relevant today, We’re living in a time where conversations around race and LGBTQ+ issues are more common, but it’s clear there’s still a long way to go. Ali’s experience shows us that the fight for acceptance is ongoing, and there are still so many people out there dealing with these kinds of battles in silence.
In today’s world, a story like this is much needed and a reminder to check our biases and make space for stories like Ali’s. It gives us the chance to look deeper into how society and even how our own families impact how we see ourselves and each other.

What some South Asian males in the diaspora refer to as "Cultural Blackness" is how they incorporate elements of Black cultures, such as language, style, and behaviour, into their own identities. It is primarily about questioning the white norms that Black people frequently encounter in Western nations, rather than necessarily being a part of Black groups. In order to establish a place for themselves in the racial hierarchy, Thangaraj emphasizes how these components are appropriated without having a thorough understanding of Black people or their experiences (Thangaraj, 1–7). But this isn't an easy relationship. Although South Asians may take inspiration from Black culture, they tend to avoid Black neighbourhoods. According to Thangaraj, this distance shows a tension in which South Asians may employ "Cultural Blackness" to fight against their own marginalization while choosing to keep a distance from Blackness in order to avoid confronting the racial injustices that Black communities experience (Thangaraj, 8–12). All things considered, the concept of "Cultural Blackness" demonstrates that identification is complicated, particularly when it is impacted by several racial and cultural factors. South Asians who embrace aspects of Black culture are also separating themselves from it, which reflects the challenges of figuring out one's position in a racially divided society. This dynamic affects not only the construction of masculinity but also the ways in which various oppressed groups negotiate their social roles (Thangaraj, 12–18).

The Bouchard-Taylor Commission was meant to help Quebec balance religious accommodation with its secular values. However, some of the laws passed after the Commission, like Bill 21, didn’t follow its suggestions. Bill 21 bans public employees from wearing religious symbols, such as the hijab and turban, which directly goes against the Commission’s advice to avoid laws that target religious minorities (Mahrouse, 4). Instead of promoting inclusion, these laws seem to divide people, affecting Muslims, Sikhs, and others (Mahrouse, 8).
The Commission also warned against putting secularism above religious freedom, but many of the post-Commission laws do just that. These laws often focus on secularism without considering how they affect the rights of religious minorities. This has left groups like Muslims and Sikhs feeling marginalized (Mahrouse, 6). The legislation doesn’t seem to reflect the balanced approach the Commission recommended.
Quebec’s unique identity as both a minority in Canada and a majority in the province also complicates the situation. The laws passed after the Commission don’t fully consider this complexity. Instead, they often prioritize one version of Quebec’s identity over the diversity within it, making it harder for religious minorities to feel accepted (Mahrouse, 10). So, in many ways, the laws after the Commission have not reflected its findings and have deepened divisions.

Thinking of cultural communities as “neatly distinguishable” doesn’t capture how people live and identify. Thobani talks about how this kind of thinking simplifies things by reducing people to just one culture, which doesn’t reflect the complexity of their lives (Thobani, p. 45). Cultures mix, change, and overlap all the time, so trying to box them into separate groups just doesn’t work.
It also leads to stereotypes. When we assume someone belongs to one "culture," we ignore the fact that even within a single community, there’s a lot of diversity. For instance, South Asians in Canada come from different countries and have different traditions and languages (Thobani, p. 52). It’s not a one-size-fits-all situation.
Plus, this idea of “difference” often ignores bigger issues like race, class, and history. Thobani points out how multiculturalism policies in Canada focus on cultural differences, but they ignore how power dynamics play out, especially between white Canadians and immigrants (Thobani, p. 54). By separating cultures, we miss the bigger picture and end up reinforcing divisions instead of promoting understanding.
In short, trying to separate cultures like this leaves out the messy, real experiences that makeup people’s identities. Culture isn’t something you can neatly package, and putting it into boxes only limits how we understand each other.

According to Mandin's respondents, they fled their home countries' political unrest, poverty, and lack of prospects in order to relocate to Montreal (Mandin 7). Montreal appeared to be a destination where they could fulfill their dreams of a better life. In an attempt to get away from the racial discrimination that restricted his chances, Baldwin also left the United States in search of a fresh start (Baldwin 15). Both were optimistic about what their new life would bring.
However, similar to Baldwin, Mandin's interviewees soon came to understand that the realities of living in a foreign nation muddled the promise of a new beginning. They had trouble integrating and frequently felt alienated, even in Montreal. Similar experiences were had by Baldwin in France, where he continued to face discrimination and isolation in spite of his aspirations of freedom and welcome (Baldwin 17).
Baldwin's and Mandin's migration narratives share a common theme: emigrating from one's home country in pursuit of greater possibilities does not always translate into the independence or sense of belonging one might anticipate. Rather, it is a continuous process of adapting to new realities, and the interviewees for Baldwin and Mandin demonstrate how migration is frequently more about overcoming obstacles than merely fleeing them.

In exploring the evolution of Canadian public opinion toward the arrival of the Ugandan Asians, it’s important to note the racialized nature of immigration policies at the time. Initially, public opinion was largely resistant to their entry, driven by prejudices rooted in Canada’s history of white supremacy. Over time, however, this sentiment shifted as humanitarian concerns and international political pressures, like Canada's commitment to the Commonwealth and its role during the Cold War, pushed for a policy change (Muhammedi, p. 23).
This shift in Canadian attitudes towards Ugandan Asians echoes the experiences of Iranians in the United States, as discussed in Maghbouleh’s article. While Maghbouleh’s work focuses on the racialization of Iranians and their shifting classification under U.S. law, it reveals a similar transformation in public perception. Even before Iranians arrived in large numbers, they were seen as racially ambiguous, shifting between classifications of “white” and “non-white” depending on geopolitical contexts (Maghbouleh, p. 45). Major events, such as the Iranian Revolution and the subsequent hostage crisis, influenced public opinion, much like how the Ugandan Asians’ expulsion by Idi Amin and the Canadian government’s reaction were shaped by larger political factors (Maghbouleh, p. 51).
In both cases, racialization was a key factor in shaping how these groups were perceived. However, just as Canada eventually moved toward accepting the Ugandan Asians, public perception in the U.S. shifted over time albeit through complicated layers of geopolitical events, legal classifications, and racialized media portrayals. What this comparison shows is that racialization and public opinion are not static; they evolve in response to larger political forces, revealing the fluid nature of racial identity and public acceptance in the face of immigration and global events.

In Gualtieri’s exploration of Syrian migration to North America, she highlights how the movement was driven by both economic struggles and the search for a better life. One of the key strategies Syrians used to survive in their new environment was the sale of goods, particularly fabrics. These goods didn’t just provide an income—they allowed Syrians to create an identity for themselves in a new and sometimes hostile environment. By selling these fabrics, Syrians were able to integrate into the broader economy while also holding on to aspects of their culture that set them apart as exotic and valuable in the eyes of the American public (Gualtieri, 33). This reflects how commodities could be used as tools for both survival and cultural expression.
Curtis’ research offers another perspective on how Syrians navigated their new lives, especially in the context of Michigan City. Here, the community’s survival was closely tied to economic opportunities, and the sale of goods like fabrics provided a means of financial stability. By participating in this economic activity, Syrians were not only able to sustain themselves but also carve out a place for themselves within the social fabric of the city (Curtis, 90). The act of selling these goods helped them establish a sense of identity and belonging, especially in a community that often saw them as outsiders, based on both their race and religion.
Both Gualtieri and Curtis show that Syrians weren’t just surviving—they were actively shaping their position within their new societies. Selling items like fabrics allowed them to engage with the local economy while maintaining their cultural connections. It also played a major role in how Syrians were perceived. Some saw them as a threat, while others viewed them as interesting newcomers with cultural value. In this way, commodities like fabrics became central to how Syrians managed to survive, build their identities, and navigate the challenges of being newcomers in a foreign land.

In Jamie Gilham’s article, he talks about the white British men who converted to Islam in Liverpool. These men were mostly working-class and middle-aged, and many felt disconnected from their Christian faith. For some, the complex doctrines of Christianity, like the Trinity, were hard to wrap their heads around (Gilham 98, 105). With its clear structure and straightforward teachings, Islam offered them something they felt was missing in their previous beliefs (Gilham 106). But it wasn’t just about theology—many of these converts also found a sense of belonging and community in the Muslim community, which they had been searching for (Gilham 102).
This search for belonging can also be linked to Neda Maghbouleh’s work, where she looks at Iranian-American immigrants. In her study, she shows how some of them, even though they weren’t technically white, tried to align themselves with "whiteness" to better fit into American society (Maghbouleh 52). The British converts in Gilham’s study didn’t face the same racial discrimination as Iranian Americans, but in a way, they were also stepping outside the traditional British identity by choosing Islam. Both groups were looking for a place where they could find a sense of belonging, whether it was through religion or racial identity.
What’s striking here is that both groups felt like they didn’t completely fit into the identities society had for them. For the British converts, Islam allowed them to create a new identity that wasn’t tied to their old British or Christian labels. Similarly, for Iranian Americans in Maghbouleh’s study, identifying with whiteness became a way of navigating their social standing, even though their ethnic background didn’t align with it. In both cases, these individuals were searching for something more whether through religion or race that would help them carve out a space where they truly belonged.

In the 1990s, English right-wing parties were marked by significant prejudice and intolerance. They justified their actions by claiming to address rising crime rates (Hutnyk, 51), but this was often just a cover for pursuing racial discrimination. Minority communities were frequently scapegoated, perpetuating harmful stereotypes. These parties held a simplistic view, grouping all oppressed groups as if their experiences were identical. This approach ignored the unique challenges faced by different communities and only deepened existing inequalities. This pattern wasn’t confined to England; similar attitudes were seen across Western nations, where Conservative politicians often viewed cultural diversity as a threat to social harmony. Such fears shaped policies and public discourse that marginalized ethnic and cultural minorities. In the UK, even Labour leaders like David Blunkett voiced concerns that anti-racist education might remove the focus on English culture and values in society (Kundnani, 131). These kinds of statements highlight how deeply rooted racism is in British society. The idea that combating racism could somehow harm British culture shows a troubling prioritization of national identity over equality. This mindset reflects a broader issue in some parts of Western society, where racism is often tolerated rather than directly challenged. Such attitudes dismiss the realities of marginalized communities and make it difficult to create a more inclusive and equitable society.

Furthermore, Kundnani observes that after the events of 9/11, there was an increase in liberal criticism of immigration and multiculturalism, signalling a broader societal shift toward exclusionary policies (Kundnani, 122). This change was accompanied by the institutionalization of anti-Muslim racism, driven largely by anti-terror legislation enacted during the so-called "war on terror." According to Kundnani, these laws normalized exclusionary practices, weaving them deeply into society's political and cultural systems (126). Integrationism only worsened the situation by promoting the idea that cultural conformity was necessary for social harmony. This mindset reinforced systemic biases, demanding that immigrants give up their unique cultural identities to fit into a "white person" ideal. Kundnani (p. 124) also highlights the rise of the concept of "community cohesion," which emphasized assimilation at the expense of multiculturalism. Such policies reflect a broader pattern of marginalization, forcing people to choose between their cultural heritage and societal acceptance.

Lastly, Kundnani delves into the issues of racial prejudice and Islamophobia, shedding light on how closely these forms of discrimination are intertwined. He argues that anti-Muslim racism is less about religious differences and more about racial discrimination, rooted in the way society perceives and treats Muslims. According to Kundnani, British integration policies not only fail to tackle systemic racism but, in many ways, contribute to its persistence by institutionalizing anti-Muslim sentiments. Kundnani’s work reveals how modern anti-Muslim racism is fueled by a racialized hostility that goes beyond mere religious intolerance. It stems from the belief that Muslims, as a group, inherently possess values that conflict with British or Western ideals. This harmful framing casts Muslims as outsiders, portraying their supposed beliefs as threats to societal stability. By doing so, it not only excludes them but also reinforces discriminatory attitudes.

I am requesting a pass as I attended the Cinema Politica, Palestine Screening: Where Olive Trees Weep tonight

I am requesting a pass as I attended the WUSC Film Screening & Discussion: Shadow Game

Globalization of South Asian food, particularly focusing on its impact on British society. Buettner delves into the increasing popularity of South Asian cuisine in Britain since the 1960s and how it has been embraced as a significant aspect of British cultural identity. The narrative highlights the evolution of attitudes towards Indian food among the British populace, from initial disregard to gradual acceptance and eventual celebration of curry houses.

However, what I found quite interesting was the question of the authenticity of South Asian food. Buettner talks about increasing British taste for so-called Indian food. Asian restaurants, particularly curry houses, faced criticism for offering standardized, inauthentic dishes catering to a white clientele. I have first-hand experience with dealing with such debates concerning non-authentic food. Growing up I was a person who was used to "authentic" food from Pakistan and then from restaurants in Toronto. However, when I moved to a majority-white city in Quebec (Quebec City) for the first time I experienced South Asian food that did not taste the same, which we can label "non-authentic" food. My Bangladeshi family friends have family-a owned Indian restaurant called "Saveur de l'Inde". As a supportive friend, I have often visited my friend's restaurant. Unfortunately, my family and I only liked the Seekh Kababs at her restaurant and avoided all the other meals. However, our Guinean friend loves every single meal and always gets takeout for her entire family. My friend told me she has always received bad reviews from Indian or South Asian folks, not due to their service but simply due to the question of the authenticity of the food. Concerning this issue, I can understand the reasons for these reviews. I believe that good food has a sense of melancholia, it that reminds us of back home is what brings our South Asian communities living abroad together. But if the authenticity of the food is lost, you lose that sense of belonging with your identity and your community. When the food is catered to the British taste, obviously it loses its originality. Food is an important part of South Asian culture, and when the culture is altered it reminds us of the remains of colonization that is still relevant today. When it comes to these small businesses in majority white populations, the customers are mainly white. In order, for these restaurants to successfully run their businesses, they must cater to them.

Now concerning the question of authenticity, my friend has noticed a great divide amongst the South Asian community due to the "white-washed" Indian food her restaurant served. Her family sometimes are disappointed by the reviews because it's usually their own South Asian community that leaves the worst feedback on their restaurant. However, the Quebecois love their food and leave the best reviews, which is quite understandable considering the majority clientele. This ties back to Buettner's reasoning of divisions between the South Asian community based on food. These establishments' stereotypical image and lack of authenticity led to ridicule and disdain, contrasting with newer, upscale Indian restaurants aimed at a more affluent and discerning clientele. This trend highlighted a growing divide within the South Asian restaurant scene, with affluent establishments distancing themselves from the traditional curry houses associated with working-class origins (like my friend's restaurant). The emergence of elite Indian eateries sought to redefine Indian cuisine for a sophisticated audience while denigrating the cheaper, neighbourhood curry restaurants run by Bangladeshis and Pakistanis as inferior and inauthentic.

Multiple factors motivated Malcolm X to turn to Islam. According to his autobiography, he was introduced to Islam through his brothers. His brother sent him a letter promising his release if he did what he asked him to do which was not to smoke cigarettes, drink and consume pork. These rules he applied to his life rather quickly. He was motivated to become a Muslim because he wanted to get out of prison as soon as possible. His brother told him not to eat pork, or smoke cigarettes and he would show him how to get out of prison.

What I found interesting was how differently they portrayed this in the film. In the movie, it seemed like Mr. Bain's(or Bimbi's) words were his only guidance to Islam. Since the word Islam was never mentioned it seemed like Malcolm X was blindly following the rules of a religion he did not know much of just so he could improve as a person and find a way to release himself from prison. Also, in this autobiography, we see that Malcolm X recognizes Islam and understands that his first pre-Islamic submission had been manifested. Finally, for the first time he experienced and believed in the teaching of "If you take one step toward Allah, Allah will take two steps toward you". As a Muslim myself, this manifestation is quite important in your religious journey and faith as a Muslim. Prominent people in my life and my experiences in life have always proven this teaching to be true, which helped increase my faith.

According to his autobiography, I think the reason why Malcolm X and other followers of the Nation of Islam may have accepted Islam is because they believed that this religion accepted them, unlike Christianity. They had found the "natural religion of the black man".They were told that God was truly black and that the devil was white. They were told that Elijah Mohamed was a messenger of god and was black like them. Elijah Mohammed had a message for the black people who were the "Lost-found Nation of Islam here in this wilderness of North America"

This false idea that white people are devils and black men are good was not associated with the Islamic religion, rather than the Nation of Islam led by the honourable Elijah Muhammad. I think this idea fueled the rise of black supremacy and was against black-and-white unity. However, once Malcolm X completes his pilgrimage to Mecca to expand his knowledge of Islam. He learned that Islam is not racist, that it does not discriminate against those of different colours and that all humans are equal in the eyes of Allah. Then he realizes completely separating black and white people is not ideal and fuels racism. Therefore, he finally opened doors for white people who were eager to support his cause. This was a turning point in his beliefs as before this when he was representing the Nation of Islam he denied the aid and support of a white with good intentions.

Later his 1992 film (Malcolm X), he emphasizes his political philosophy of black nationalism and controlling politics of the African American community. He states the following: "Whites can help us but not join us". His experience with getting removed from the Nation of Islam and the betrayal by his own people including Elijah Muhammad made him realize that we must have black-white unity however to do that we must learn to have black unity first.

I am also requesting to pass on this post for the same reason. Thank you

According to Ward, during the early twentieth century, East Indian immigrants in Canada primarily worked as common labourers, often finding employment in sawmills, lumber camps, railway construction, land clearing, and seasonal farm work. A small number eventually acquired land holdings or established themselves as independent businessmen and realtors, broadening their economic base. Economic fears regarding competition for jobs and the perception of East Indians as a source of cheap labour further fueled the hostility. This led to organized protests against immigration and the implementation of restrictive immigration policies aimed at limiting the influx of East Indian immigrants.

As stated by Ward, critics of East Indian immigration applied several stereotypes. Viewing them as unclean, diseased, and a threat to public health. They were often depicted as living in filthy and overcrowded conditions, which contributed to fears of disease transmission. Additionally, East Indians were seen as economically threatening, characterized as a lesser breed of men who were incompatible with Canadian customs and traditions, leading to concerns about their ability to assimilate.

The song "Liberation." relates to this as it highlights the lack of inclusion and hatred immigrants face. This is depicted in the following lyrics, "Kashti ko na kinara mila" (Roman Urdu transcript). This translates to "the boat could not find a corner or the boat was not given a corner". I believe the singer is trying to express how they were not welcome upon arrival to a Western country. Similar to the case of the Komagata Maru voyage, where their ship was stopped near the shore and they were denied entry to British Columbia, Canada. Additionally, the song is mixed with hip-hop beats and Sufi/Qawwali music. The woman's voice you hear singing in Qawwali reminds me of voices in pain, specifically the voices of struggling immigrants showcasing their pain.

As Cook mentioned, accusers identified someone as a Morisco based on a range of attributes, including lineage, purity of blood, religiosity, and customary practices. These accusations often stemmed from fears of disloyalty and the belief that Moriscos could not fully assimilate into Catholic society, leading to their racialization and stigmatization. The varied reasons for denunciation highlighted the fluidity of identity and the competing conceptions of status that shaped social interactions and legal standing in the colonial context.

Ecclesiastical authorities in colonial Spanish America aimed to regulate indigenous religiosity by enforcing attendance at Mass, confession, and communion, which were seen as markers of Catholic devotion. They sought to catechize indigenous peoples through secular priests and religious orders, ensuring their participation in the Catholic faith. Additionally, authorities attempted to restrict emigration to individuals who could prove they were old Christians, reflecting their desire to maintain religious orthodoxy and control over indigenous beliefs and practices. The intense amount of repression and lack of religious freedom encountered by the Moriscos had a huge impact on the Moriscos. They were not able to publically practice Islam as the Catholic Church was forced upon them. Additionally, most of them were forced to seek exile since Spain completely outlawed Islam.

In the past, Spanish-speaking peoples like the Moriscos in Spain could not practice their religion freely. However, according to Bowen, years later there was the existence of the "Latino Muslim" community. The US Latina/o Muslim community has been developing since the 1920s, the community has been growing since then in population and organization. In the 1970s, Ibrahim Gonzalez helped form the Alianza Islamica ¨to address their unique cultural and social needs. He actively engaged in outreach efforts to promote awareness of Islamic history and its relevance to Latina/os and helped establish connections with other Muslim organizations.

To some extent, they were considered human when they were more useful to them. They promised to take care of them, however, as soon as they did not need them they took no responsibility for them and left them with nothing. Afterwards, they were racially discriminated and to most extent, they were considered "chattel".

According to Visram, when their services were no longer needed in England, ayahs faced uncertainty and destitution, often being discharged without support or means to return to India. Many experienced isolation, and uncertainty and struggled to find new employment with inadequate support. This resulted in a prolonged waiting period for re-engagement or a return passage home.
As stated by Visram and Seddon, they were frequently exploited and had limited resources. This led to a precarious existence while searching for re-engagement or new employment. While looking for employment, they typically lived in unsanitary, overcrowded and expensive lodging houses, where conditions were squalid and exploitative.
It was also difficult for them to find employment due to the language barrier most of them were unable to speak English. Once they were desperate to survive they were left with no choice but to become beggars and homeless.

Additionally, due to racial discrimination, most of them were wrongfully blamed for crimes they did not commit. As mentioned by Seddon, lascars faced appalling conditions in British jails, with many suffering from neglect and mistreatment. Out of eight cases encountered, only one lascar survived imprisonment, while five died before completing their sentences, and others faced severe mental health issues. The overall environment was brutal, contributing to high mortality rates among lascars during their incarceration.

There was a large population of Muslim African slaves who struggled to practice their religion upon arrival to the Western lands, the Americas and Europe. In a society that praised Christianity and looked down upon Islam. A Muslim black nationalist group stated that "Islam was the original religion of black Americans of which they were stripped during slavery" (Ghane Bassiri 15)
During that period, the fight against the possible spread of Islam had been an intense preoccupation in the Spanish colonies since the beginning of the 16th century" (Diouf 71).
As mentioned by the author many of them would secretly practice their religion or even pretend to be Christians in a majority-white Christian environment. Some Muslims were even forced to convert. The American Colonization Society wanted to Christianize Africa, by going as far as "begging them" and "showing them the light" (GhaneaBassiri 28). Additionally, the forced conversion policy spread to the protestant colonies. Due to this, there was a rise of pseudo conversions, in which African Muslim slaves adopted the outward signs of the religion imposed on them but secretly kept their own Islamic beliefs. What I found shocking is how there had been cases where the majority of them were even baptized but still secretly remained Muslims (Diouf 78-79). Furthermore, the author mentions an old woman in South Carolina who was considered a Methodist. Even after so many years in Christianity, she hinted at her original religion by using the name of the prophet Muhammad instead of the prophet Jesus (Diouf 81).

There are many ways these Muslims struggled to practice their religion. For example, some Africans were not able to pray 5 times a day and had to limit their number of prayers (Diouf 90). To add on, in Rio Muslims had to pray alone secretly in their homes to prevent getting discovered (Diouf 89). The efforts of these slaves regardless of their lack of freedom and continuous struggles in society are very inspirational and much respected.

According to Sarah Ahmed, multiculturalism is seen as a negative concept mainly amongst the white population. The reality is people tend to live near people of the same race as themselves and find comfort in that. Ahmed argues that Multiculturalism leads to instances of community conflict or violence between communities. This is because with its existence people tend to stick to their differences and avoid interacting with one another. To make multiculturalism a positive thing, it is possible to integrate different racial communities. The reading suggests sport as a way to avoid conflict among different communities.

Sports may not be the best way to integrate different racial communities. From personal experience Pakistan and India cricket matches are a good example of that. Although people from both countries generally would get along part of the large South Asian community. But when it came to the cricket matches both Indians and Pakistani fans would pick sides and divide. It was mainly the players of the Pakistani team who would miss a catch and be criticized and compared to the Indian team. Cricket is where the division between the countries is created. Although sports help bring together both countries it also divides in a way. Another example would be when black or brown players in France or England teams would be praised when they would perform well and make the team win. However, whenever these players would make a mistake or make the team lose they would experience a lot of racist comments, therefore fueling the divide between different racial groups. There are better ways to avoid conflicts between different racial groups, it's more important for them interact with one another and to understand and accept each other's differences to promote "happy" multiculturalism.

As we know, Bill M-103 was a Private Member’s Bill introduced by Liberal MP Iqra Khalid. As the voting record shows, MPs voted along party lines: all Liberal and NDP Members of Parliament present voted in favour of the bill, while all Bloc Québécois and Conservative Members. Conservatives who voted against the bill argued that such language would lead to censorship of criticisms of Islam itself. Obviously, such arguments are not valid, as they allow criticism of Islam and Muslims. However, the conservatives may use racial existentialism. The term Rana uses in his article. This term struggles to identify categories of race and to deny the power of modern racism by arguing that race as a concept is no longer important and is not used in Islamophobia (Rana 1). In reality, Muslim and Islam have become a category of race. The bill sponsored by Iqra Khalid focuses on the term "Islamophobia". It states:
"condemn Islamophobia and all forms of systemic racism and religious discrimination and take note of House of Commons’ petition e-411 and the issues raised by it" (Motion-103). I believe the conservatives seem to have a problem with the term "Islamophobia" as it is tied to "racism". They seem to deny their racist intentions even though they want to criticize Islam which is Islamophobic itself. Although they may believe in racial existentialism in reality they criticize the term islamophobia, this reflects the global systemic racism. Also, the fact that they normalize criticisms of Islam is Islamophobic and racist itself.