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Using exemption from email sent on Oct 1st. Thank you very much.

Using exemption from email sent on Oct 1st. Thank you!

I am requesting a pass because I wrote a pre add/drop discussion post under "Race and Class", thank you!

Requesting a pass because I attended Prof. Mana Kia's seminar on Samia Khatun's Australianama. Thank you!

Requesting a pass because I was present at the sassa mixer on sept 27th

James Baldwin’s No Name in the Street was a very interesting read. It sheds light on the experiences that Baldwin had during his time in Paris, where he faced discrimination different than in the United States and delves into the struggles of Algerians in France. Indeed, Baldwin witnessed first-hand the injustices faced by the Algerians, who were subjected to marginalization and violence. In his early years in France, Baldwin recounts Algerians being called “les misérables” (Baldwin, 2). They lived apart in dirty, cramped spaces and barely had enough food to survive (2). They were viewed as lazy for not being able to find work, however, Baldwin observes the unfairness of such a statement (2). This narrative upholds what is known as the myth of meritocracy. The idea that with enough hard work and talent, success is possible for anyone. This completely disregards systemic inequalities and the additional barriers that Algerians in France are faced with. It is not a level playing field, and thoughts such as that perpetuate cycles of oppression. This rhetoric is seen in North America as well, where Canada and the United States completely disregard their colonial past and ongoing systematic inequalities and instead blame marginalized communities when they do not succeed.

Trudeau’s new policies on Canadian multiculturalism painted a picture of an inclusive and progressive Canada. Now accepting of immigrants and trying to shape its own national identity, separate from Britain, Canadian society went through changes: Indigenous communities were expanding, the new points system was put into place, and the prime minister was advocating for the “cultural freedom of Canadians” (Muhammedi, p. 81). Despite these seemingly positive changes, Muhammedi, the author of Gifts from Amin, argues that such policies ignored the long history of injustice in Canada, especially “towards Indigenous, Black and immigrant communities” (Muhammedi, p. 82). The Canadian government failed to address the deep-rooted inequalities that shaped the country in the past. Saying they will be open to diversity is one thing, but saying it without acknowledging the past doesn’t mean much; instead, it turns these policies into superficial gestures.

As for the point system put into place in 1967, one can argue that it is both non-discriminatory and discriminatory. On the one hand, millions of people immigrated to Canada under this new system from countries such as Hong Kong, the Philippines, Jamaica, Trinidad, and India (Muhammedi, p. 79). It allowed migrants into the country based on factors such as education, language proficiency, employment opportunities, etc. (Muhammedi, p. 79). On the other hand, it “continued to discriminate against applicants from the developing world” (p. 79). Indeed, by accepting immigrants with higher-educations, this policy continued favouring people from wealthier or Western countries. Additionally, by favouring individuals who spoke both French and English, the policy judged individuals on their ability to integrate into Canadian society.

In Husain’s article, we can see a critique of Muslim whiteness or “off-whiteness.” Black Muslims in the article are seen critiquing this Muslim whiteness due to the privilege that it can afford to a person. Indeed, compared to Black Muslims, white Muslims are privileged within the broader society. We do see a certain racialization of white Muslims, especially if they have a physical marker of Islam, such as the hijab. In the article, Husain gives an example of a Muslim white woman named Allison, whom she interviewed and asked about her experience as a hijabi woman (Husain, 595). She told the story of when she was discriminated against in a public washroom by another white woman. Because of her hijab, she was identified as Muslim, therefore, as not white. This assumption that she is not white based on her wearing the hijab, thus being Muslim, brings up this idea of there being an opposition between whiteness and being Muslim (Husain, 596). This places white Muslims in an in-between space, where they might have the racial privileges that Black Muslims do not have but are still being discriminated against, especially when having clear physical markers of their faith. This suggests that whiteness and Islam are incompatible since this lens of racialized Islamophobia makes it so the visible markers of Islam override whiteness. Paula, another white Muslim woman mentioned in Husain’s article, talks about how being both Black and Muslim is not seen as “weird” (Husain, 596), whereas being a visible Muslim when white is “odd” and “dangerous” (Husain, 596). This emphasizes the racialization of Islam within white societies, again placing whiteness and being visibly Muslim on opposite ends. Consequently, visible markers of Islam further complicate one’s identity, thus redefining them.

Fun^da^mental's “Dog-Tribe” video was controversial since it framed anti-racist ideas in a way that isn’t done in media or within the state. In Hutnyks’s text “Critique of Exotica”, he talks about how the anticipation for the video created controversy even before it was released. Indeed, platforms such as MTV and ITV pre-emptively placed censorship on the video due to their worry about it being restricted to adult audiences (Hutnyk, 59). Hutnyk argues that such worries are nonsense due to the importance of showing these types of messages to everyone, no matter the age, due to their impact on the whole of the community (Hutnyk, 60). Additionally, Dog-Tribe “appears to be a dangerous text because of its portrayal of militant Islamic ‘fundamentalist’ violence” (Hutnyk, 59). The author further argues that labels such as “dangerous” reflect these nonsensical worries of the media more than what the actual video attempts to portray. Violence is seen in movies and on television, often depicting graphic scenes without any censorship. It is only when the violence depicted showcases issues of anti-racism self-defence that it is suddenly too violent or inappropriate. Hutnyk argues this bias, and how it consequently creates further difficulty for minority groups to raise awareness on certain movements, especially when not fitting the constricted agenda and guidelines put in place by the state and the media.

In his autobiography, Malcolm X takes the reader through his time spent in prison in two different facilities: Concord Prison and Prison Colony. He first learns about the Nation of Islam in Concord Prison, through letters from his brothers Philbert and Reginald. However, it is in The Colony that he embarks on his journey of exploration about the Nation of Islam. After receiving a somewhat cryptic letter from Philbert telling Malcolm about discovering a “natural religion for the black man” (p.155), Reginald, in turn, sends him a letter telling his brother to stop smoking cigarettes and eating pork and claiming to know how to get out of prison. He right away adhered to these specific rules. His fast adherence showcases Malcolm’s state of mind during that time in his life. He was quick to let go of his cigarettes (although he did finish the last pack he had opened) and decided to forego pork, even though he was in prison and did not have the luxury of a wide variety of food options. This consequently showed his deep desire for change stemming from frustration from prison and the current state of society. Thus, he was susceptible to change and new perspectives, marking the beginning of his spiritual journey.

Through the retelling of the first exposure of the NOI to Malcolm through his family members, we are able to pinpoint a few of the influences that might have played a part in creating such a movement. Although using some of the same terminology as Islam, one cannot say that the NOI is anything like Islam. They diverge on a fundamental idea: the manifestation of God as a human being (shirk in Arabic). The basis of Islam relies on the belief in a single God and associating any partner with God is the biggest sin in the religion. However, the NOI takes a different approach, claiming that God has taken a human form who chose to reveal Himself to Black Americans. As mentioned above, various terminology and actions can be seen as taken from Islam. As seen in the autobiography, calling God by the name Allah, the action of prayer and restrictions from smoking and pork can be traced back to Islam. However, comparing both Islam and the NOI is inaccurate since they differ fundamentally. The NOI emphasizes racial pride and complete separation from white society. Malcolm had struggled with his own racial struggles, so ideologies such as these affected him and allowed him to view his situation in a larger way, later allowing him to reinterpret his identity using this broader narrative of Black empowerment.

Through the various discussions in this course, we have seen how food and emotions are so closely tied to the melancholia of migrants. For example, in our discussion on enslavement, Diouf mentions an instance where children were given sweet rice as a special treat, consequently making them happier. Or how we saw food as the glue for the South Asian community in East Harlem, bringing them together through the form of street food and restaurants.

This same connection is seen in Mannur’s text, where she discusses culinary melancholia. Remembering a past life through food is an experience many migrants go through during their lifetimes. Using food, through its scent and taste, takes a person back to a life left behind. Indeed, our senses are closely tied within our brain to emotions and memories. We often find ourselves being taken back to a certain point when, for example, hearing a song that reminds you of your childhood or smelling a perfume you associate with a certain part of life can trigger certain memories. Therefore, these sensory memories are activated by our five senses and bring them up to the surface. (I actually learned in a few of my psych courses that parts of our brain go through the same processes when retrieving a memory as it would when experiencing something for the first time). With this said, in the context of diasporas and the nostalgia of food, tasting food that was once eaten in a particular context in one’s homeland or even smelling a certain aroma can immerse an individual, make them relive the memory, and the memories associated with it, and almost transport them back to the past. One can compare this experience to stepping onto a time machine and walking away from the present moment into the past. Such an experience can be particularly evocative for migrants struggling to deal with the loss of their homeland and the parts of their associated identity. For them, food is used to reconnect to their culture and community, thus evoking nostalgia.

On the other hand, we have repatriated ex-colonials. In her text, Buettner discusses how these ex-colonials would also go to restaurants serving Indian-style food in Britain to re-experience memories from their past. Indeed, in the 1950s and 60s, these men would visit restaurants like Veeraswamy’s to experience the Raj culture. It was much more than about the food. These restaurants leaned into the “oriental” stereotypes, decorating with elements that mimic the “East” – with “Indian carpets, chandeliers, punkahs (fans)” (Buettner, 149) and having waiters play into the servile role that is expected from the ex-colonials. This recreated the power dynamic of the "sahib" and "bearer," reinforcing the colonial power structures.

As Peter Ward says in his text, upon arriving on the West Coast, Indian immigrants quickly discovered that existing prejudices regarding them and their countries of origin had arrived long before them. These prejudices were already deeply rooted in Canada, shaped by both the existing attitudes toward Chinese and Japanese diasporas and the larger colonial attitudes. Ward argues that these types of prejudices did not add up. They, however, interacted in a way that formed a distinct kind of racism targeted toward these immigrants. They were seen as “a lesser breed of men, given to weakness, servility, and in some cases villainy” (Ward, 82). They were portrayed as inferior and unworthy of integration into their society and were said to come from dirty and diseased places. They did not even have a chance to step onto the continent before being judged. And those on the Komataga Maru were thrown out of the country before stepping off the boat. All this is to say that prejudices regarding Indians shaped the white Canadian minds and created specific immigration laws targeting them. These racist immigration laws and attitudes were justified and hidden behind a fake sense of empathy. The prime minister at the time, Mackenzie King, argued that since Indians come from a hotter climate, and practice different customs and cultures, they would not be able to handle such major change, thus, it is for their own good to stay out of the country. They also claimed to be scared to let any East Indians in because of their “threat to public health” (Ward, 83). Because of the unclean and diseased prejudices, they had fears of being infected with the “Bubonic plague, Smallpox, Asiatic Cholera” (crazy and ironic that they say that when Europeans killed millions of Native Americans when first arriving in North America because of all the different diseases they brought in). There was also the Canadian’s concern for racial homogeneity. They claimed that East Indians could not be assimilated and, therefore, are a danger to the society that they are so proud of. They were a threat to “white livelihood.”

New York City, particularly East Harlem, was an attractive hub to Indians during the 20th century because of its diversity and potential opportunities. Indian immigrants arrived in Harlem and found themselves in an environment where migrants and locals alike were the minority in a White country. Indeed, the author of Bengali Harlem, Vivek Bald, describes Harlem during that time as a “dynamic arena of migrations, encounters, and crossings” (Bald, 163). This allowed different communities to get together and form new connections they had not done before. Individuals from various countries were getting together to open restaurants, and interracial marriages were prevalent. Bald describes it well in his text when he says that people were brought together despite their differences within the social spaces and communities. However, they were also brought into contact on a more personal level through intermarriages, making them family (Bald, 163). The diversity was attractive to Indian migrants.

Additionally, the job opportunities played a big part in their decision to establish themselves there. Jobs such as “counterman, chauffer, porter, elevator operator, laundry worker (…)” (Bald, 172) were available and required little to no experience, making it less challenging to get a job. Bald talks about how many South Asian Muslims managed hot dog pushcarts in Harlem. It allowed them to save up some money to later on invest in larger projects such as opening their own restaurants. Not only were these pushcarts only serving halal food, which attracted a large Muslim population, but they also became little community hubs. They are described as “a guarantee of safe passage through the neighborhood” (Bald, 173). They allowed the community to look out for each other and served as places to meet and chat.

Seeing communities come together on these multiple levels showcases the importance of unity when facing challenges. Shared spaces, such as the ones Bald talks about in his text, have allowed people to come together and blend their traditions and ideas. Despite the harsh conditions in Harlem throughout that century, migrants found ways to unite and foster an environment where people could thrive and support each other, whether through food or work.

In Antiman, Rajiv Mohabir struggles with his identity and connection to his family and heritage. On one side there is his want to get closer to his culture by learning his Aji’s language and to communicate with her better, whether through song or simply including her in conversations during family reunions. On the other hand, his queer side, which he cannot express in front of his family, has to be hidden from them, therefore, preventing him from being able to fully be himself in the very space he is trying to find belonging. At home, surrounded by his family, Mohabir struggles to incorporate himself fully. He is aware of the negative reaction that he will get if word comes out to his father about his sexuality. Hiding such a large part of one’s identity can be straining, and the constant pressure from his mother to conceal that part of himself has certainly drained him and continues to add pressure on maintaining a false version of himself. Outside of his home life, Mohabir also struggles with his identity. When he goes to learn Hindi at his university, Mohabir finds himself surrounded by white people who are more interested in learning this language than some people from his family (Mohabir, 37). These classmates have completely different reasons for being in this program. They might have had a casual interest in the language and culture and took up learning the language out of curiosity, whereas Mohabir’s path toward taking the opportunity to learn his family’s language might have been filled with struggles to understand himself and his history. This stark contrast between the motivations of his classmates for learning Hindi and his own causes a sense of dissonance in Mohabir’s identity and further distances him from his peers. It is this disconnect that produces melancholia in the migrant. Yearning to be a part of a culture so familiar to them, but at the same time struggling with their current circumstances and identity.

This brings up the question of whether migrants can ever fully feel like themselves and find a home away from home. Is there a happy medium where one can incorporate themselves in their host country without sacrificing a part of themselves? What even is home? Is it where Mohabir can never be his full true self in front of his family, being looked down upon by his father for wanting to embrace his heritage? Or is home where Mohabir can express his sexuality but not be a “real Indian” (29)?

In Upholding the Five Pillars of Islam in a Hostile World, Diouf showcases the resilience of African Muslims in the Americas to their religion. She does so by recounting stories of enslaved Africans who managed to maintain their faith despite the harsh conditions they were living in and the relentless cultural assimilation. One by one, Diouf goes over each of the five pillars of Islam and showcases exactly how they were able to maintain their practices.

How did outward practices like prayer challenge enslaved Muslims in ways that the shahāda did not?

Compared to prayer, the shahada is a subtle exclamation of religion that can be done individually, without notice from anyone around. Despite being forced into Christianity, slaves could stay Muslim by simply uttering the shahada in secret anytime they wanted. On the other hand, prayer is more complex since it requires the individual to physically perform movements and recite verses from the Quran. Additionally, it may also involve a prayer mat. These things are much more noticeable and, therefore harder to keep secret from slave owners. Moreover, given their limited time away from work, African Muslims did not have time to perform the five prayers that were required each day. They were said to pray either at night or whenever they had the chance, given their circumstances (Diouf, 90). However, some Muslims were willing to take risks in praying all five prayers, and sometimes in big groups (Diouf, 89). This points to the level of devotion to their faith.

Why would zakāt and sadaqa, with their economic functions and requirements, be important to enslaved Muslims?

Simply to preserve their spiritual identity. Continuing to give out zakat and sadaqa showcases a sense of attachment to the religion as well as solidarity with each other. Indeed, Diouf introduces stories of Muslim slaves giving out sadaqa to their community and families. This might have brought a sense of belonging and attachment to their roots. Instances of children being happy to receive sweet rice were mentioned in Diouf’s text, which might help reinforce these traditions, and bring fleeting joy to their hard lives (Diouf, 94).

The Ramadan fast is a particularly demanding Muslim practice. Why would already undernourished enslave Muslims undergo it?

Despite being undernourished and working in harsh conditions, some African Muslims fasted during the month of Ramadan. They might have fast to maintain a connection to tradition and their spiritual identity. “Omar ibn Said was described as a “staunch Mohammedan, and the first year at least kept the fast of Rhamadan with all great strictness.”” (Diouf, 95). Additionally, Diouf mentions that they might have undergone fasting because they knew that the situation they were in was not temporary. The Quran allows Muslims to abstain from fasting if they are “far from home or (…) involved in strenuous work” (Diouf, 95), therefore, by fasting, they knew that they were not going to get out of these circumstances.

The hajj was impossible for enslaved Muslims to perform. How did the shout fulfill their needs?

The “shout” is characterized by both men and women “turn(ing) in a circle while clapping their hands and shuffling their feet” (Diouf, 96) was thought to be an African dance, however, a different explanation emerged hypothesizing that it might have been Muslims finding their way to recreate Hajj. The fifth pillar, pilgrimage, can only be done in Mecca, which was impossible for enslaved Muslims. Through the “shout”, deriving from the word sha’wt (meaning a lap around the Kaaba), African Muslims were able to connect with their faith. Physical movements such as the ones described could have also been a way for them to release their emotions as a community and let out any frustration, anger or perhaps hope they might have had.

While reading Cook’s text, I was reminded of the topic of the racialization of Islam which we discussed in class, through the lens of Moriscos. Moriscos are descendants of Muslims from Spain who were forced to convert to Christianity following the Reconquista. Outwardly, they were Christian, however for some, which we see examples of in Cook’s text, Islam stayed a secret part of their lives. Indeed, Moriscos cannot be defined into a single category, Cook says “They represented a spectrum of beliefs and practices that ranged from adherence to Islam to considering themselves “good” Catholics.” (Cook, 81). They were often labeled as Muslim based on their clothing, their food, and their music (Cook, 82). This goes back to the concept of Islam as a “race”, and how outward appearances and behaviours could lead to certain assumptions to be made. Moriscos “proving” their Christianity became practically impossible since their very existence placed them under suspicion of practicing Islam. For those who continued to practice Islam, they did so secretly. In fact, it was so secretive that a fatwa had to be made by a Mufti which allowed Moriscos alternate ways of prayer that were more discrete (Cook, 82). Cook introduces María Ruiz, a Morisco from Spain, who talks about her family and how they were forced to hide and be cautious about their Islamic practices. Minimal information about Islam was passed down to her from her parents (Cook, 83). Others like Ruiz may have been present in New Spain, however, this cannot be confirmed due to the rigidity and secrecy surrounding their Islamic practices. Nevertheless, knowledge about Islam continued to spread around Spanish America. Individuals with roots leading back to Islam were constantly denounced and put under suspicion under the Inquisition, despite their adherence to Christianity. They were questioned and judged on the way they were perceived within their communities (Cook, 90). This concept of “pureness”, which we have also discussed in class comes to mind when reading about the treatment of Moriscos in New Spain. The rigid classification of what it looked like to be Christian after the Reconquista made it so lineage became critical to one’s identity. Christians had a distinct way of spreading their religion in New Spain and anything that slightly deviated from these standards was deemed suspicious and a threat to the new order.

Nitin Sawnhney’s song Nostalgia opens with both the mother and the father of the singer talking about their experiences with immigration and their feelings with leaving it all behind. Her mother tells her that she has thought of bringing her children back to her home country, where she would tell stories to her children, of what they lived and what they left behind. There is a sense of attachment to a past life, to something that was “sacrificed” for the sake of a better life and opportunity for their children, and wanting to pass down their memories of their old lives. We can see that no matter how integrated or settled in a new country they might have been, there will always be the thought of going back and sharing the past with their children. This brings up this point of passing on memories through generations; passing down the melancholia and attachment to their homeland. Even though children of immigrants might have never been to the country where their parents grew up in, they will also have this melancholia toward another place. This inability to let go is seen in Sara Ahmed’s text when she talks about the father in East is East. The father’s desire for his children to be good Muslims, and his inability to let go causes unhappiness in both his children’s’ lives and his own (Ahmed, 147). There is a clash of identities, with both the desire to hold on to culture and tradition and being able to integrate and find happiness in your current environment. In Nostalgia, the singer’s words “I can almost feel the hopes you left behind” showcases her trying to understand her parent’s feelings but finding it difficult because she can only experience them second-hand, through her parent’s words, she can almost feel her parents’ nostalgia, so close because she can hear it directly from them, but so far away because she never experienced it. Both Nostalgia and Ahmed’s analysis of East is East showcase this complex experience of the immigrants and children of immigrants trying to find their place somewhere while their hearts are somewhere else. With children trying to understand their parents’ feelings of nostalgia and with immigrants struggling to find balance in a dual identity.

In his text, Junaid Rana argues the connection that race and religion have by exploring the ways in which “Muslim” was used as a racial category in the U.S. Indeed, the Muslim label extends beyond a religious identity, “Islam and religion are an important aspect of the genealogy of the race concept.” (Rana, 31). Rana argues that being “Muslim” includes many people, from all over, differing in culture, race, and religion. The Muslim identity is much more than a religious marker but has now become its own category of racial identity. Indeed, one can be perceived as “Muslim” based on physical indicators; the way someone dresses (the hijab on Muslim women), their facial hair (beard on men), their skin colour, their language, the country they come from and so on. This comes back to the idea of “othering” a group of people and putting them all under the same umbrella, because they do not fit the Western standard. Any person who might fit into a certain physical criteria could be perceived as being Muslim, leading to very broad generalizations that overlook the diversity of people who might be all lumped together. These generalizations can lead to awful situations like the ones described in Hussain’s review of “Terrifying Muslims: Race and Labor in the South Asian Diaspora”. Thus, we can see how viewing Islam through a racial lens gives rise to stereotyping, discrimination and violence.

“If you know whence you came, there is really no limit to where you can go.”. While reading James Baldwin’s letter, this one line resonated with me the most. Baldwin recognizes the hardships that his nephew will face (challenges he himself has experienced) and emphasizes the importance of understanding one’s culture and history. By knowing your roots, you can stay grounded in history to be able to face the present and shape the future. A person’s history, whether filled with struggle or comfort, can bring a sense of belonging and pride to an individual. Baldwin telling his nephew of all the hardships that he and his family have faced will allow him to know that he is not alone and will always have his family there for support. Therefore, a message such as “If you know whence you came, there is really no limit to where you can go.”, offers hope, a sense of belonging and resilience in the face of adversity.

Why does Yancy stress the innocence of the boy’s finger in Fanon, and how does this innocence relate to Baldwin’s letter?

Yancy and Fanon both bring up this concept of innocence, in one case with the imagery of the boy’s finger and in the other, the countrymen. The boy’s finger points out of curiosity and fear. It symbolises the larger naivety of the society at large, of the ignorance that persists. Fear comes from the unknown, followed by avoidance, which leads to misunderstanding. However, at the root of it all is ignorance; the unwillingness to learn and face reality. It is often easier to cling to what you think you know, instead of making the effort to learn, grow, and change your behaviour. In the case of the countrymen, who are also a sort of representation of this same innocence, seem unaware and unwilling to have their preconceived notions altered. This innocence allows them to maintain a sense of superiority, perpetuated by their refusal to be complicit.

Under Jim Crow laws, African Americans adopted various methods and practices to “”pass” in the segregated South” (Bald, 50). Posing as both “Hindu” or “East Indian” allowed them more liberty and gave them access to more opportunities. Despite being seen as “exotic” and the Other, they faced less of the systemic racism and strict racial boundaries that African Americans were presented with. White people saw African Americans and South Asians through two different racial lenses and treated them based on their “perceived” race. Indeed, exoticism is a stereotype enforced on the East by the West. In Orientalism, Edward Said criticizes the West for its view of the East and its portrayal as this magical place full of mysticism. Bald goes on to describe the stereotype of politeness and servility of the Bengali peddlers. This Oriental “politeness” reflects the idea that the East is a submissive entity in need of the West’s help. Travel puts African American individuals’ lives in danger in the context of the Jim Crow laws. Therefore, they strategically took advantage of these stereotypes, changed their identities to protect themselves, and were consequently viewed as harmless and fascinating instead.