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The term "veil," according to Al-Saji, is entrenched in colonial and orientalist ideology that present veiling as inherently oppressive. Al-Saji argues that the French ban on hijab is not simply about France's secularist ideology, but about their belief in gender equality. The hijab is viewed as a symbol of Islamic gender oppression, which served to create the ban. "In this argument, the veil is equated with the oppression of women in Islam, both in other countries like Iran, Algeria and Afghanistan, but also in the French suburbs [banieues] themselves" (879). The hijab was not only seen as a religious symbol but also a symbol of patriarchal oppression. The hijab ban, for the French, is a method of freeing Muslim women from the shackles of their patriarchal system. The colonial gaze wishing to free Muslim women, "unveils" them, but this "unveiling" serves as a means of controlling the unknown (hijab, Islam, Muslim women, etc.) and also defining what the Other is in terms of colonial ideology. During French occupation of Algeria, removing the hijab was synonymous with destroying Algerian culture and therefore reshaping Algerian culture to fit the French image of culture. As Al-Saji states, "This representational apparatus is the lens through which the colonial observer sees the colonized society. But this lens is also a mirror. The representational apparatus of colonialism not only constitutes the image of the ‘native’ but posits this image in opposition to a certain self-perception of colonial society and against an implicit normalization of gender within that society" (883).

this title is too good! #ate

Introduced in the 1970s under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, multiculturalism was seen as a celebration of cultural diversity that would somehow fix Canada's historical issues of racialization and colonialism. Throughout her work, Thobani argues that multiculturalism policies in Canada do not confront racism and inequality but merely portray white Canadian society as tolerant. "Statist multiculturalism has proved to be more than simply a mode of reflecting cultural difference and managing it; it has actively constituted such difference as the most significant aspect of the nation’s relations with its (internal) Others" (145). By reimagining race in terms of culture, the government could manage diversity without fully dealing with systemic racial inequality.

By shifting race into culture, multiculturalism repositioned the focus from biological/physical traits that are associated with race to cultural practices and values. This change allowed the state to create political identities for racialized people based on their cultural heritage. This made it so racial minorities were not individuals with complex identities, but as fixed culturally groups that the government can easily categorize, manage, and enforce racial boundaries under the guise of inclusivity. Thobani states that "Multiculturalism has sought to constitute people of colour as politically identifiable by their cultural backgrounds. With this move, race became reconfigured as culture and cultural identity became crystallized as political identity, with the core of the nation continuing to be defined as bilingual and bicultural (that is, white)" (145). This quote further suggests that Canada's policies places the political identity of racial minorities into fixed boxes, which supports the idea that the inclusion of people of color is conditional on their cultural conformity in Canadian society. With all of this being said, although Canada "retained" this idea of multiculturalist and progressive identity, its actual national identity is tied to its bilingualism and biculturalism (white English-French origin), which shows that Canada's cultural norms still reflect the dominance of white societal norms.

Reading through Daniel's interview, one thing that struck me was the idea of submission and being submissive to the colonizer. Daniel grew up in an independent Ivory Coast, but even though Ivorians were "free" from French rule there was still a sense of reverence to their ideals and peoples. Daniel said that "everyone listened, everyone was quiet, because this was a French person speaking" (Martin 154). He continues saying that Ivorians felt they should be "submissive" to French individuals in order to "receive things" (154). This relationship between the colonizer (the French) and the colonized (the Ivorians) was transactional - through submission to the French they would, in return, receive blessings and potentially status.

Throughout the interviews, there is a theme of internalization of colonialism. Many, if not all, of the interviewees describe a feeling of inferiority to French individuals, specifically white individuals. Karim, an immigrant from Morocco, describes the feelings of foreignness, even though, in his own words, is "more French than the French" (150). This feeling of foreignness stems from being a person of color, Karim goes on to say that it is "impossible" to be French if you are not white (151). Tsiory reinforces this idea saying "when I see a French person, I consider him superior to me" (153). Many of the interviewees believed that French people "brought what Africans didn't know" further placing them on a pedestal (153). Djibril (in my opinion) correctly believes "that the colonial experience also resulted in people having 'an inferiority complex' toward the French... 'French was the language of those who dominated us,' so people who spoke it well had 'an air of superiority'" (154). Through the exploitation of French colonies, individuals under French colonialism began feeling a sense of mediocrity. For many people of color, to obtain a sense of worthiness they need the acceptance of a white French person - Fanon states, "By loving me she proves that I am worthy of white love. I am loved like a white man" (Martin 155 via Fanon 63).

Not being French enough stems from colonialism and the idea of othering. Like an abusive ex, the effects of French colonialism are negative and (in this case) long lasting.

In 1967, the Order-in-Council PC, more commonly known as the "points system" was established in Canada. This system assigned points to specific categories and based prospective immigrants' scores depending on how many criteria they fit. The points system formally deracialized Canada's immigration policy, supporting 2.25 million immigrants from countries such as Hong Kong, the Philippines, Jamaica, Trinidad, and India. However, the categories within the points system emphasized education which lead to discrimination against applicants from the developing world. Canada did not recognize many foreign credentials or work experience which could lower an applicants score in the education or occupational skills categories. Although Trudeau's humanitarian exception allowed Ugandan Asian expellees into Canada, Canada's lack of recognition of many foreign credentials resulted in many Indian and East African immigrants being overqualified for their jobs.

The Canadian public's response to Ugandan Asian immigrants was negative. Many believed that the money being spent (charity) on these immigrants should have been used for Canadian citizens and their livelihoods, that Canada's national identity was already struggling between its French, English, and Indigenous identities, and these immigrants would burden the healthcare system. One individual said that these Ugandan Asian expellees "were only interested in money and a comfortable living. They exploited the native population in every possible way... how is it possible for the [Canadian] government to turn completely around and bring in people who were expelled because they refused to support their own [Ugandan] government on the same principle?" (85)

In Edward Curtis's book, Muslims of the Heartland, he discusses the perceived differences that Syrian Christians and Syrian Muslims held about themselves and each other. In the early 1900s, Syrian Muslims and Christians disputed with each other to the degree of death. These disputes stemmed from the idea that some Syrian Christians believed that they were white and Syrian Muslims were not even though Syrian Muslims believed that they were in fact white. This, to me, connects to the idea that we had previously talked about - Islam and being Muslim is automatically perceived as "brown" and "foreignness." The crux of these disputes lies in this quote: "In truth, intra-Syrian disputes were not the product of ancient enmities between people from two different religions but between people engaged in a contemporary struggle for economic resources, social status, and political rights" (Curtis 92). This struggle translates to the "legal and social discrimination" that Syrians experienced when applying for U.S. citizenship (93). According to Curtis, the US Department of Commerce and Labor rejected Syrian citizenship applications on the basis that Syrians were Asiatic not white, which in turn lead to the media referring to Syrians as non-white and created more anti-Syrian hate in Michigan. In spite of all of the hate that the Syrian community endured in the 1920s, they established a vibrant community that involved both the Muslim and Christian Syrians.

Since its inception, America's identity has always been shaped by its whiteness. In the 1920s, many white Americans believed that their way of life was in danger, Senator Albert Johnson of Washington "viewed 'homogeneity' as a necessary component in the preservation of American institutions," as did President Coolidge (Curtis 52). Even before this, colonial Americans "Othered" Native Americans, deeming their Christian-whiteness as superior to their indigenous spiritual identities. In her article, "Moving beyond (and back to) the black-white binary: a study of black and white Muslims’ racial positioning in the United States," Husain states "The flourishing of Islam in black America is heavily associated with protest against white supremacy to the point that 'The Black Muslim Scare of the 1960s what the pinnacle of pre-9/11 fears about the Muslim threat to the American nation-state'" (Husain 592). Husain argues that white Muslims, particularly white hijabi Muslims, lose "aspects" their whiteness because it is "compromised" by their hijab which is "a 'particularly efficient factor of racialization'" (Husain 593). In her research, a white woman, called Allison, described how her identity shifted once she began wearing the hijab discussing how the hijab became a symbol of foreignness to others, she was not seen as a white-American anymore because she was seen as a Muslim. Husain suggests that there is a "separation - if not opposition - between whiteness and being Muslim" (Husain 596). She further discusses how being black or brown and wearing the hijab is seen as more normal than a white person wearing hijab because the black or brown individual is already outside of the sphere of being white, they are already "Othered" by their skin color. For white Americans, the hijab is a symbol of otherness which is therefore seen as a symbol of foreignness which is in opposition of American identity and homogeneity.

Gandhi (1869-1948) used passive resistance - a nonviolent form of resistance against governments by refusing to cooperate with authority or breaking laws - as a way to oppose British rule within India. The generation that stood up for Quddus Ali in the early 1990s used a form of assertive resistance to the government. After the events that ensued on the September 10th vigil, passive resistance against authority would not have helped the harm that the Bangladeshi/South Asian community was experiencing. The Asian Dub Foundation's lyrics in "TH9" reinforce this idea, "Our parents had to sit tight - Weren't allowed to fight back physically - Just a mental strain - Restraint! - Now I think I've found a remedy - To this recurring pain - Not passive but resistant." The Tower Hamlets Nine Defence Campaign had no other option but to use active resistance against police authority to have their message understood. A peaceful vigil for an innocent individual who was harmed by a racist gang was overshadowed by police provocation. Institutional fear of the "Other" allowed for police to justify initiating confrontation against brown and black teenagers, leading them to be arrested. For groups like The Tower Hamlets Nine Defence Campaign, this assertive resistance was necessary for them to create change and see justice and peace.

America's national identity in the 1920s was entrenched in racism and xenophobia. It is critical to understand that white Americans truly believed that their way of life was in danger, Senator Albert Johnson of Washington "viewed 'homogeneity' as a necessary component in the preservation of American institutions," as did President Coolidge (Curtis 52). Noble Drew Ali's view on race should be viewed in the context of America in the 1920s. Like Americans who pushed for white "homogeneity" within the country, Noble Drew Ali's belief in black particularism, linked to his idea of black nationalism, mirrored this idea of homogeny but with black folks. Ali denied the idea of biological blackness and believed that racial purity was necessary for black redemption, denouncing interracial relationships like Marcus Garvey. Ali believed that peace would ensue once black people "separate along racial lines from their oppressors" (Curtis 55). At the same time, he also said that Asiatic peoples were of "Divine origin," believing in their superiority.

Noble Drew Ali's understanding of race and black particularism can be strongly linked to the Nation of Islam's understanding of race. The Nation of Islam believed that "black-skinned people are direct descendants of the creative dark 'atom' of the universe: they are divine, 'Original Man,' and their true religion is Islam" (Bowen 170). The story continues by stating that 6,600 years ago, a rebel black scientist, unhappy with his position on Earth, genetically removed the black "germ." Ancient scientists had discovered that all black people contained two "germs" in their genotype—one black and one brown. In hopes of eradicating darker-skinned babies, the scientist eventually removed the black germ, which held divinity, from a percentage of the population, thereby creating the white group. White people, who were seen as lacking humanity, became the "devils" and oppressors of black people. In this process, the scientist also created "the brown-, yellow-, and red-skinned people of the earth" (Bowen 170). Because all these groups contained some of the original divine "germ," they were considered "Original Man." In The Autobiography of Malcolm X, El-Shabazz goes into more detail about how "the white devil man" came to be. This rebel scientist, known as Mr. Yacub began preaching about how he could breed races scientifically in Mecca and, once he had 59,999 followers, was exiled to the island of Patamos. Upset with Allah and out for revenge, Yacub decided to create the devil race (white people) by "setting up a eugenics law on the island" (El-Shabazz 165). After generations, the white race had officially been born and were sent back to the mainland. Followers of the Nation of Islam were taught that "within six months time... this devil race had turned what had beeen a peaceful heaven on earth into a hell torn by quarreling and fighting" (El-Shabazz 166). Through the story of how white people were created, the Nation of Islam reinforces the necessity of racial purity and separation, as seen in Drew Ali's beliefs of black particularism. The NOI believed in black superiority which parallels Ali's assertion of Asiatic peoples - the Moors - being of "Divine origin."

When examining how South Asian immigrants connect with their culture, food plays a major role. Immigrants who moved to the U.S. and Canada opened restaurants serving their comfort foods, both as a means of solace and survival. Bengali Harlem discusses the international food scene in New York and how Bengali immigrants established restaurants to preserve their cultural identities while providing sustenance to others. For South Asian immigrants who moved to the U.K., the role of food and restaurants is somewhat different. In "Going for an Indian," Beuttner explores how the British Empire's hold on India and Pakistan impacted the perception of South Asian culture—and thus its cuisine—by Britons. As previously discussed, British control of India fostered a sense of ownership among elite British individuals over India, Indians, and their culture. Even after Britain lost its grip on India and South Asian immigrants began settling in the U.K., this sentiment persisted. Post-war Britons typically associate "South Asian food and peoples typically merged in white understandings—a distinction aptly summarized in critiques of the tokenistic multiculturalism long taught in British schools as revolving around stereotypes of 'saris, samosas, and steel bands'" (p. 145). This has led to an estimated 9,000 South Asian restaurants and takeaways in Britain, the vast majority of whose customers are white. Unlike in the U.S. and Canada—where South Asian restaurants primarily aim to connect with their heritage and serve their immigrant communities—South Asian restaurants in the U.K. often cater to the image of Indian food held by white customers. "'Chicken Tikka Masala'—one of the cuisine’s mainstays among British diners—has become 'a true British national dish, not only because it is the most popular, but because it is a perfect illustration of the way Britain absorbs and adapts external influences. Chicken Tikka is an Indian dish, while the Masala sauce was added to satisfy the desire of British customers'" (p. 143).

While reading Tasting Conflict: Eating, Radical Hospitality, and Enemy Cuisine, I am reminded of a personal favorite in Houston: Boat Basin. Located at 14631 Beechnut Street, Boat Basin is an "Outdoor Food Park" made up of food trucks offering kabab rolls, kunafa, burgers, birria tacos, bun kababs, Nashville hot chicken, and much more. It represents an amalgamation of South Asian, East Asian, Middle Eastern, Latino, and American cuisines, reflecting the diversity of the Muslim community in Houston. For a Muslim Houstonian, Boat Basin provides an opportunity to explore the culturally diverse cuisine that the city has to offer, while ensuring that the food is Zabiha/Halal. As Mannur states in Intimate Eating, "Eating from a food truck becomes about accessing something new and different, and the kinds of foods they serve are in marked contradistinction to the foods served by more traditional food trucks," and in Houston—given its vast food scene—to those served by more traditional sit-down restaurants (p. 3). For my family (and many others in Houston), Boat Basin is a space to come together, hang out, and enjoy amazing food. We always run into someone we know while we are there. For us, Boat Basin fosters a sense of community, connecting us with both our South Asian culture and the larger Muslim community. Food has always been an integral part of my South Asian identity. As a third-generation immigrant, I often feel detached from other aspects of my culture, but dining at places like Boat Basin allows me to connect with my heritage while adhering to my preference for eating zabiha.

I often think about the zabiha dilemma. According to the American Halal Institute, "Zabiha refers only to meat products. The term signifies that the meat is from animals whose slaughter is conducted in a permissible way. The rulings regarding the killing of animals are actually quite simple. Beyond invoking the name of God at the beginning of the slaughter, careful attention must be paid to ensure that the animal feels as little pain as possible." When I cook at home, I use zabiha/halal meat, as it is accessible to purchase. The bigger issue arises when eating out. I love dining out, but finding zabiha/halal options can be challenging, especially outside of South Asian or Middle Eastern cuisines. Although most Sunni jurists may disagree with my approach to eating out, my personal rule is that if I have two restaurant options (of the same cuisine or rating), I will choose the zabiha/halal one. I would prefer to eat zabiha than not. In the American diaspora, I meet people with various understandings of the zabiha/halal dietary restriction, largely because, unlike in Muslim countries, eating zabiha is not always convenient.

Boat Basin's Instagram https://www.instagram.com/boatbasintx/?hl=en
American Halal Institute https://americanhalalinstitute.com/the-difference-between-halal-and-zabiha/

As we talked about last class, American Immigration Laws - such as the Chinese Exclusion Act, the Alien Contract Labor Law, and the Immigration Act of 1917 - mainly targeted east Asian communities from immigrating to the US also impacted South Asians who wished to come to America. "White Canada Forever" by P. Ward discusses the challenges faced by Punjabi workers in British Columbia and California. In America, the fear of losing American cultural identity to Asians strengthened the idea of the Yellow Peril. Anti-"Hindoo" sentiment in British Columbia and California were connected to west-coast racism against the Chinese and Japanese. Among white British Columbians, who wanted to preserve racial (white) homogeny, the arrival of Punjabi immigrants was a perceived threat to their cultural identity. Ward describes this mindset stating, "[t]he presence of East Indian stirred the same concern for racial homogeneity that the Chinese presence had long aroused" (p. 80).

Like the Yellow Peril, which comes from the idea that East and Southeast Asians are "core imagery of apes, lesser men, primitives, children, madmen, and beings who possessed special powers," the stereotypes of East Indians, in this case Punjabis, were often dehumanizing (Dower). Punjabis were seen as unclean and unhealthy, which eventually became justification for systemic discrimination against East Indians in Canada. Ward quotes an anti-"Hindoo" critic who stated, "[t]he country from which they come... has long been recognized as a hotbed of the most virulent and loathsome diseases" (p. 82).

Similar to America's Alien Contract Labor Law, which was enacted out of fear of the immigrant worker, Canadians held a similar fear over the increase in Punjabi labor. The Victoria Trades and Labor Council feared "cheap Asiatic labour" flooding the workplaces and argued that it would "exclude the very class of labour that is most essential for the progress and prosperity of the country - i.e., white workers" (p. 82). Fear that Punjabi labor would undermine their economic standing reflects how competition was framed within a racial context - white Canadians vs. East Indian, Punjabi Immigrants - which further fuelled anti-Indian sentiment.

Yellow Peril Info:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yellow_Peril#cite_note-4
Dower, John W. (1986). War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War. New York: Pantheon. pp. 3–13. via WIKIPEDIA

The Chinese Exclusion Act and the Alien Contract Labor Law lead to the Immigration Act of 1917 which made it nearly impossible for Indians to enter the U.S.

The Chinese Exclusion Act "was the first significant law restricting immigration into the United States." This law required non-laborer immigrants who wished to come to America "to obtain certification from the Chinese government that they were qualified to immigrate." The Chinese Exclusion Act defined laborers as "skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in mining." So non-laborers found it difficult to prove that they in fact were not laborers.

The Alien Contract Labor Law of 1885, also known as the Foran Act, was established to prohibit any company/individual from bringing unskilled laborer immigrants to the U.S. unless they were doing contract work. This law was created in to stop corporations from sponsoring immigrants who wanted to stay in America permanently.

The Immigration Act of 1917, also known as the Asiatic Barred Zone Act, was enacted by the 64th U.S. Congress "aimed to restrict immigration by imposing literacy tests on immigrants, creating new categories of inadmissible persons, and barring immigration from the Asia–Pacific region." Beginning in the late 1800s, the idea that a literacy test for immigrants to be allowed into the country had been spreading across the U.S. Once enacted, this immigration law barred "all immigrants over the age of sixteen who were illiterate." Another part of this act was the "Asiatic Barred Zone" section, which did not allow people from most of Asia and the Pacific Islands to immigrate to the U.S. "The zone, defined through longitudinal and latitudinal coordinates, excluded immigrants from China, British India, Afghanistan, Arabia, Burma (Myanmar), Siam (Thailand), the Malay States, the Dutch East Indies, the Soviet Union east of the Ural Mountains, and most Polynesian islands." This act was modified by the Immigration Act of 1924, which added Japan to the Asiatic Barred Zone.

Americans found a deep sense of connection and attachment to Orientalist culture. Bald states that "For Americans of the era, “India” was presented as part of a mysterious and exotic 'Orient' that took in the entire swath of North Africa, the Middle East, India, and Ceylon. This 'Orient,' in turn, was a blur of images, stories, references, and fantasies, derived from the contexts of the British, French, and other European empires" (17). American women would purchase goods such as "embroidered fabrics, cushions, throws, and other small goods" from Indian and Bengali peddlers (19). Although Americans had an attachment to "exotic 'Orient' culture," there was still anxiety that the American cultural identity was being fractured by the "threat" of the American identity being supplanted by Asian culture. The Immigration Act of 1917 exemplifies this, Americans loved "Oriental" culture but could not accept their peoples and therefore made it almost impossible for Indians (and many other Asiatic peoples) to come to the U.S.

Information about Immigration Laws are from the following "sources":
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Immigration_Act_of_1917
https://immigrationhistory.org/item/foran-act-of-1885-aka-alien-contract-labor-law/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alien_Contract_Labor_Law
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_Exclusion_Act
https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/chinese-exclusion-act#:~:text=It was the first significant,immigrating to the United States

In 1839, the East India Company exerted their power and claimed control of what was then known as the British Protectorate of Aden. Aden was used as a trading center until the end of 1848 when its use shifted as a port for African goods to Arabia and Asia. After continuous disputes between Sharif Hussain and the Zaydi Imam of Yemen, the EIC declared Aden a "free port" in 1853, which brought export shippers from the lower Red Sea region. The docks were ran by the muqaddam system, where "The muqaddam acted as a ‘foreman’ or, ‘leader’ of small, freelance labour gangs for anyone wishing to employ them. the chief duties of the muqaddam was to recruit and employ local men individually, keep the labour gang together, fill the places of those who fell sick and provide sufficient men to meet the needs of the port employers" (Seddon 55). Dock workers and traders came from Arabia, India, Somalia, and Persia. As Seddon states, "the end result of the muqaddam system of employment and migration flow meant that many Yemeni lascar crews were discharged in Europe, and did not return to Aden" (Seddon 57).

As steam powered ships replaced sail powered ones labor demands for coal workers increased. The former Yemeni and Somali sailors and deckhands were recruited for labor in coal mines. Cities like Cardiff became focal points for the Muslim community. As the Muslim community grew and established itself the men needed to find wives. Many of the men married white women. According to Sydney Collins in Bilad al-Welsh, "between eighty and ninety per cent of the wives of colored men were white, with the rest being “half-caste” of the second generation" (Gilliat-Ray and Mellor 468). These women were usually of a lower social class and in regular contact with Yemeni and Somali men from boarding houses and cafes. These women held a significant amount of autonomy over household management due to their husbands being gone at work for long periods of time. But, these women, under the watchful eyes of their neighbors were also responsible for teaching and raising their children with Islamic values. The Muslim community took it upon themselves to establish institutions to teach these "convert" women about Islam so they could properly educate their children. The knowledge these "convert" women gained "raised their status in the local community, which in turn had a catalytic effect on the rate of conversion to Islam more generally" (Gilliat-Ray and Mellor 470). Many of these women felt like it empowered them as individuals, gaining the feeling that they "we belonged to something too. We had our religion” (Gilliat-Ray and Mellor 470). Islam became a focal point in their lives. Olive Salaman "had ' swapped one culture for another,'" speaking in Arabic in a Welsh accent and caring for orphaned Muslim kids within the community (Gilliat-Ray and Mellor 471). The Bay had a positive spirit due to community efforts and the women of the community.

While reading GhaneaBassiri, something I found interesting was the concept of liminality and its influence on enslaved African Muslims. GhaneaBassiri quotes anthropologist Victor Turner's definition of liminal entities as "neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial" (29). Liminality is a transitional stage, a step across a threshold. Anglo-Americans believed that African Muslims were liminal entities that could connect their home countries in Africa to America and its colonialist Christianization movement. After some enslaved African Muslims "converted" to Christianity, they would be sent back to Africa to spread the Gospel. These enslaved African Muslims' religious identities were seen as liminal, they could evolve at the will of the colonizer. It is especially important to note that many Anglo-Americans believed that African Muslims were "semi-civilized" meaning that they were not "lost causes" and the shift from Islam to Christianity, barbaric to civilized, would not be a large transition. At the hands of white people, enslaved African Muslims' identites were flexible and should be used to further "commercial and missionary purposes" (30).

To this point of liminal identities, Diouf discusses how a priest and some missionaries believed that "Mohammedan Africans... have been known to accommodate Christianity to Mohammedanism" (83). Anglo-Americans believed that their Muslim identity was easily moldable and would take the shape of Christianity. It is unlikely that Muslims (especially educated individuals) would have blended both religions. "What the missionaries took for syncretism was rather an attempt on the part of the Africans to evidence parallels between the two religions" (83). In an underestimation of these Black individuals' knowledge, they would be mislead into believing that the message of Christianity would be spread throughout Africa.

What might have attracted Latines like Manuel 2X to the message of the Nation of Islam?

The Nation of Islam believed that "black-skinned people are direct descendants of the creative dark 'atom' of the universe: they are divine, 'Original Man,' and their true religion is Islam" (170). The story continues by stating that 6,600 years ago, a rebel black scientist, unhappy with his position on Earth, genetically removed the black "germ." Ancient scientists had discovered that all black people contained two "germs" in their genotype—one black and one brown. In hopes of eradicating darker-skinned babies, the scientist eventually removed the black germ, which held divinity, from a percentage of the population, thereby creating the white group. White people, who were seen as lacking humanity, became the "devils" and oppressors of black people. In this process, the scientist also created "the brown-, yellow-, and red-skinned people of the earth" (170). Because all these groups contained some of the original divine "germ," they were considered "Original Man," including Latin@s. Manuel 2X found the message of the Nation of Islam relevant to both Native Americans and Latin@s. The message of being a "true Muslim," along with the Nation of Islam's work in social improvement, was appealing to these groups.

What are some of the reasons for Latines to develop relationships with immigrant Muslims?

In the late 1800s to early 1900s, South Asian men immigrated to California for work without their wives. For these South Asian men, the only way to start families was by marrying American women. The most common relationships involving South Asian Muslim men (who made up about 10% of South Asian male immigrants in California) were with Mexican-American women from poor agricultural families. These Mexican-American women often did not convert to Islam, as Islamic Shari'a (according to some sects) states that the wives of Muslim men may keep their original faith, as long as it is an Abrahamic one. Since these women were allowed to maintain their faith, and many of the immigrant Muslim men did not have religious texts to deepen their understanding of Islam, their wives' faith often took precedence. This allowed Mexican-American women to maintain their familial and communal ties throughout their marriages. Consequently, many Mexican-American women married immigrant Muslims, strengthening Latin@-Muslim ties within America.

Mr. Bhamra represents the melancholic migrant through his suffering. Ahmed references two speeches he makes about his suffering that he experienced by the hands of gora (white) people. Mr. Bhamra lost cricket, a sport he was skilled at and loved, because of the racism he experienced on the field. In his fears that his daughter will suffer just as he did, he takes away football from Jess in hopes that she too will not suffer at the hands of racist individuals.

During the interview portion of Nostolgia, both Sawhney’s mother and father refer to the sacrifices and struggles that they experienced as immigrants. When you listen to this portion of the song, you can hear the love that they have for their children but also the loss they experienced to give their children better opportunities.

At the root of melancholia is suffering and loss. And while both Mr. Bhamra and Sawhney’s parents are melancholic migrants due to everything they have endured, their goal is to give their children a better life and more opportunities - to end the cycle of melancholia. At the crux of both scenarios is parental love - Mr. Bhamra by telling Jess she can not play soccer so she does not experience the same racism (pain and suffering) as he did and Sawhney’s parents by leaving (what appears to be) a comfortable life for opportunities.

Since the fifteenth century, Islam has played a crucial role in shaping racialized identities for people in Black and Immigrant America within the context of a Christian nation. Early in America's colonial endeavours, a racial hierarchy, where religion served as a defining marker, emerged among African slaves. Rana notes, "Muslim slaves were identified using such racial terms as 'overly tanned' and 'Moor,' giving an Arab valence to their Africanness (Rana 40).

In the early twentieth century, Noble Drew Ali and the Moorish Science Temple, in an effort to disregard the concept of biological race, began identifying themselves with the term "Moorish American," instead of aligning themselves with enslaved Africans in an effort to reduce the amount of discrimination and prejudice they endured. In the 1920s and 1930s, the Ahmadiyya movement and the Nation of Islam attempted to also remove themselves from the understanding of biological race through Muslim unity and religious, rather than racial, identity. Despite the fact that followers of the Moorish Science Temple, the Ahmadiyya movement, and the Nation of Islam "remained trapped in the early-twentieth-century logic of race, which would not allow them to transpose their blackness," identifying as a Muslim offered an alternative to identifying as Black - and in some cases, even lead to full American citizenship (Rana 41).

For African Americans, "identifying with an alternative religion to Christianity has represented a threat to the idea of American exceptionalism, and Islam, specifically, has threatened the maintenance of a U.S. racial and religious order based on the idea of white Christian supremacy. Further, claiming Muslim identity interfered with the established formation that saw race as a continuum but as a polarity between black and white" (Rana 42). For Black Americans, identifying as Muslim provided an alternative to being solely categorized as Black within White America, allowing them to assert their identity on their own terms.

I would also like to add that the scene in "4 White Guys" where they were in the Halal meat store looking around at all of the different Allah decor and standing by the butcher's station gave me vivid flashbacks to hanging out at the meat store while my mom did groceries. I loved it!

Growing up, I went to Islamic school where most, if not all, of my classmates were people of color. My interactions with white people were limited to the six white teachers (that I can remember) from pre-K through 7th grade and people in grocery stores, malls, etc. My understanding of normality was skewed. Like white people's information about Black people and other people of color, my information about white people came from the news—"On this episode of Morning Edition from NPR News, a white man shot seven children at a high school... a white cop shot a Black man in his car." Going to the mall and to stores, seeing so many white people, always came with some sort of anxiety. I believed that my perceptions about the white people I knew were despite the fact that they were white. As a young, brown, Muslim girl, I truly believed that people of color held the power in society, that I was the norm and they were the Other.

In grades eight and nine, I transferred from Islamic school to public school and then to private Christian school. For the first time in my life, I felt like the Other. I was a brown girl in a sea of white 13- and 14-year-olds. Like the young boy in Fanon's story who pointed at him saying, "Look, a Negro!" these teenagers, whose only understanding of brown people and Muslims came from their parents, peers, and the media in a post-9/11 world, asked, "Are you a terrorist?" Looking back, these questions came with a sort of innocence. As Baldwin says in his letter, "For these innocent people have no other hope. They are, in effect, still trapped in a history which they do not understand; and until they understand it, they cannot be released from it. They have had to believe for many years, and for innumerable reasons, that Black men [people of color] are inferior to white men" (Baldwin 22). These white children did not understand the biases that led them to ask me this question.

Over the course of high school, teachers, administrators, and peers alike felt like they could comment on whatever they wanted about me because I was a brown, Muslim girl. "You are annoying." "You are loud." "Guys won't like you because you are too intimidating." "I can't tell the difference between Muslims and terrorists." "Her last name is Anus." When I would ask why they made such comments, they would reassure me that it was not because I was Muslim or brown, but because they just felt like it. As Fanon, quoted by Yancy, said, "When [white] people like me, they tell me it is in spite of my color. When they dislike me, they point out that it is not because of my color. Either way, I am locked into the infernal circle" (Yancy 4).

To make a home in a whitened space, I had to understand white people. I had to understand why they felt superior to people of color and why they felt they could treat me this way. I had to understand that they feared my outspokenness and strength in my identity. They were not used to seeing a young, brown, Muslim girl who stood up for her beliefs—but for young Aleena, this is all she knew. Once I understood these facts, I felt like I could navigate a whitened space and make my own home within it.