Resilience and reinvention
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As the Ottoman Empire srtated to prerish, Syrians faced a range of pressures that pushed them to seek new opportunities abroad. Contrary to the romanticized notion that Syrians were driven by a "Phoenician" spirit of adventure, Gualtieri argues that this migration was more about survival in the face of economic hardship and overpopulation.Indeed, the late 19th-century migration marked a shift from traditional internal movements to international journeys across the Atlantic, a response to “increased pressures on the land and an uncertain future” (Gualtieri, p. 22). In a similar vein, Asal captures the restlessness in Greater Syria, quoting an American missionary who described emigration as a “powerful yeast” that stirred whole communities to action, encouraging them to “travel by land to Rio de Janeiro, Montreal and Quebec” (Asal, p. 20).
These moves were extremely difficult. While events like the 1893 Chicago World’s Fair introduced Americans to Syrian fabrics and crafts, these displays often reduced them to exotic curiosities. As Gualtieri points out, American fascination with “the first Phoenician” and Syrian goods may have brought economic benefits but also cast Syrians as figures from a distant, mysterious past, not as modern individuals (Gualtieri, p. 25). Despite this, Syrians made the most of the opportunities they found, and their skills in trade and peddling became crucial survival strategies. Syrian women, in particular, carved out new roles for themselves, often working alongside men to support their families. Gualtieri notes that they “occupied spaces of autonomy” that helped redefine economic roles for women in their communities, while Asal observes that Syrian women’s labor “contributed to household economies as much as men” (Gualtieri, p. 28; Asal, p. 17). This redefined their identity in the diaspora, giving Syrian women a form of economic and social agency that defied the expectations they had back home.
Like many migrants, Syrians tended to gravitate toward urban areas where economic prospects were better. These city centers, with their social networks and job opportunities, allowed Syrians to adapt more smoothly, even if the adjustment came with its own emotional toll. Gualtieri hints at a “Syrian melancholia” within the mahjar (the diaspora), where migrants were caught between the opportunities of their new life and the deep losses they felt from leaving home (Gualtieri, p. 30).
In Canada, the Syrian community faced the added challenge of fitting into a society whose immigration policies favored certain profiles. Syrians had to face complex identity politics, choosing whether to embrace labels like "Arab" or "Syrian." This was not only a personal choice but a strategic one, especially as different identities could either help or hinder their social standing. As Asal explains, choosing “Arab” as a label carried “strong ideological and political significance,” offering both potential solidarity and risks, depending on the context (Asal, p. 15). Syrian organizations played a vital role, advocating for their communities and challenging restrictive policies. These groups became crucial platforms for resisting the discriminatory categorization imposed on them, as Asal describes how Syrians “mobilized resources and lobbied against discriminatory legislation,” underscoring their determination to forge a place for themselves in Canada (Asal, p. 18).