On Curtis
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Curtis’ book states that in the first decade of the 20th century, Michigan City’s population increased significantly, from 14,850 residents in 1900 to 19,207 ten years later — indicative of a booming economy. In 1900, more than two-thirds of the population were first- or second-generation Americans. One example Curtis uses to illustrate the reason behind the population growth is John H. Barker, an industrialist who recruited Syrians to join his company’s immigrant labor force, purchasing land where Syrians could live together in Michigan City. At least 700 Syrians were on Barker’s payroll. By the second decade of the 20th century, Syrians had established a vibrant community in Michigan City despite legal and social discrimination.
Michigan City protected “the life and liberty of white, Christian, and respectable middle-class people.” African Americans were not accepted, and at the beginning of the 20th century, Syrians were also seen as a threat to white people. Curtis presents the example of a Syrian man who was arrested in 1907 for insulting a woman. The newspaper referred to him as a “Turk” and restricted his access to amenities like lounging on the grass or benches. Following that incident, another Syrian man was arrested simply for picking flowers in the park. Furthermore, Syrians were also seen as carriers of the eye disease trachoma, with headlines such as “Trachoma Feared in Michigan City: Syrian with Disease Eludes Inspectors,” which increased the racialization of Syrians in Michigan City.
Moreover, in the first decade of the 1900s, the Syrian community in Indiana was sharply divided between Muslims and Christians. One argument between two Syrians, a “Turk” (the term used at the time for a Syrian Muslim man), was headlined as a “race riot,” a term used to describe the public violence of non-white people — precisely reflecting how many white people viewed Syrians. This conflict highlighted how some Syrian Christians believed they were of a different “race” than Syrian Muslims, claiming whiteness, which Syrian Muslims blamed as the root of their disputes. In 1908, some Syrian Christians stated that they had emigrated to the United States because of Syrian Muslims, whom they labeled “barbarians.” Curtis notes that “intra-Syrian disputes were a product of contemporary struggles for economic resources, social status, and political rights.” This unfortunate division is understandable when, in the West, assimilation often feels like the only way to survive. People seek ways to differentiate themselves from what the West racializes, looking for commonalities with white people.
Lastly, Curtis highlights the growing public attention to discrimination against Syrians, particularly Muslims, during World War I. Curtis states that their participation in the war helped to advance their social status as white Americans. Among Syrian Muslim veterans of World War I, attachment to Michigan City increased, and they began to establish Muslim institutions in the city. In 1924, according to Hussein Ayad, many Syrian Muslims formed the “Asser El-Jadeed Society.” They purchased land in Greenwood Cemetery so Muslims could have their own burial sections and acquired two buildings: one as a haven for the incapacitated, free of charge, and the other as a club hall for meetings. Eventually, the second building became their mosque, serving as a social and religious center for Middle Eastern descendants. Thus, after World War I, Syrian Muslim communities flourished in the Midwest as they could not return to Syria, and the National Origins Act of 1924 made reentry into the U.S. more difficult. Some Syrian Muslims used these circumstances to establish their ethnic-religious congregations, partly in response to their surroundings.