Concept of Mahar and Aboriginal marriage in White Australia
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In the text, Samia describes the economy of marriage and nikāh in the Muslim Australian context by examining the transactional nature of mahar as seen by Anglo-imperial narratives in which such marriage transactions are called brideprice.
Stories describe this system as historically rooted in male dominance, where woman are "sold off" to their future husbands. Women’s family's economic and social security is tied to marital status and the mahar a women receives. Adelaide's father breaks off her engagement to Sher Khan in favor of Moosha as the later can freely navigate within the charged environment between British imperial policies and Afghan nationalism, ensuring financial prosperity.
Furthermore, marriage negotiations create a sense of rivalry between potential suitors, as they are compared . Sher Khan saw the annulment of his engagement to Adelaide as a source of great shame, one he could only remedy by murdering Moosha. Sher defended his attempted murder of Moosha by claiming his right over Adelaide, which he received through "Afghan law" while paying for her education, were transgressed when Adelaide was later engaged to Moosha. Sher uses the marriage payment as a testament to assert his right over Adelaide, objectifying her as opposed to defending her right to property. Thus, mahar, intended as a form of protection, becomes a tool for controlling and commodifying women.
The Durand line, which delineates British India and Afghanistan, created a where British Indians and Afghans where pitted against each other. Those who served the British government were considered savages, further fuelling the disdain for Moosha. Thus, Adelaide's marriage was incorporated into Afghani nationalist narratives.
Samia counters these views of Muslim marriage by highlighting the need for reinterpreting Islamic practices in contemporary contexts, prioritizing equity and consent. She suggests that while mahar should be a symbol of respect and support, it has been manipulated into a form of ownership and control over women. Samia advocates for a reinterpretation that aligns with the principles of justice and fairness inherent in Islam, emphasizing autonomy and equality for Muslim women. She argues for a cultural shift where marriage is no longer a transaction but a partnership built on mutual respect, and mahar is no longer a tool for control but a means to empower women.
For example, Samia critiques the way mahar has been traditionally viewed, explaining that “it is not merely a financial transaction but often becomes a means to regulate a woman's behavior within marriage” (Mohabir p. 28). She proposes that “reimagining mahar as a gift of empowerment rather than a form of control could redefine marriage in Muslim Australian communities” (Mohabir p. 32). She argues for a cultural shift where marriage is no longer a transaction but a partnership built on mutual respect, and mahar is no longer a tool for control but a means to empower women.
In contrast, Aboriginal women's marital rights were trampled on by "White Australia", namely through the installment of The Aboriginal Act in 1905. To assimilate the Aboriginal population within the white population, all aboriginal girls were restricted to strictly marrying white men, prohibiting marriage between Aboriginal women and South Asian men. This legislation had the goal of erasing the Aborigines by whitewashing them over a few generations. Aborigine women marrying racialized men would pose a threat to such a goal, as their culture and non-whiteness would persistently exist within "White Australia". Constant surveillance was placed over Aboriginal women and young Aboriginal girls were taken away from there families and institutionalized, disconnecting them from their aboriginal heritage at an early age. Lallie's marriage to Akbar was considered a criminal offense in Western Australia as it violated The Aboriginal Act. Her persistant efforts to escape incarceration and help Aboriginal women regain their freedom.